Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-k7p5g Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-09T06:58:13.387Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The New Class in Massachusetts: Politics in a Technocratic Society

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2009

Philip Davies
Affiliation:
Department of American Studies, University of Manchester, Manchester 13.
John Kenneth White
Affiliation:
Political Science at the state University College of Arts and Science, Potsdam, New York 13676.Both wish to thank their home universities and the John W. McCormack Institute of Public Affairs at the University of Massachusetts, Boston for their support. In addition, Philip Davies would like to thank the American Politics Group, the British Association for American Studies, the British Academy and the Nuffield Foundation for small grants which combined to help pay for transatlantic research.

Extract

With the gradual disintegration of the Democratic Party's New Deal coalition there has been regular speculation on the nature of party dealignment and realignment in the USA. Realignment affects the various levels of government and regions of the country differentially as the political landscape responds to underlying demographic and economic patterns. Groups of voters may reassess their traditional loyalties as they find their own, or their party's, policy priorities changing. Recent gubernatorial elections in Massachusetts serve to illustrate some of the internal pressures on the Democratic Party as the country enters the post-industrial era. In spite of the Democratic Party's dominance of the state's politics these elections have served as a battleground between groups of voters whose interests and concerns coalesce in a way that no longer can be explained solely in terms of traditional class position or economic interest, but also represent a clash between competing lifestyles.

An emergent post-industrial social setting, such as can be observed in Massachusetts, may be identified as possessing a number of interrelated components.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See the foreword by Ladd, Everett Carll in White, John Kenneth, The Fractured Electorate: Political Parties and Social Change in Southern New England (Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New England, 1983), p. xiGoogle Scholar.

2 See, for example: Bell, Daniel, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic, 1973)Google Scholar; Brzezinski, Zbignew, Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technotronic Era (New York: Viking, 1970)Google Scholar; Etzioni, Amitai, The Active Society (New York: Free Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Boulding, Kenneth, The Meaning of the Twentieth Century: The Great Transition (New York: Harper & Row, 1964)Google Scholar.

3 U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthly Labor Review (Washington D.C.), 01 1984, p. 91Google Scholar.

4 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Educational Achievement in the United States (Washington, D.C., 1980), p. 12Google Scholar.

5 Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, New England at Work in the Space Age (Boston, 1961), p. 9Google Scholar.

6 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, The Changing Structure of New England Employment, 1947–1973 (Washington D.C., 1973), p. 3Google Scholar.

7 Garreau, Joel, The Nine Nations of North America (New York: Avon Books, 1982), p. 39Google Scholar.

8 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1982–3 (Washington D.C., 1980), p. 161Google Scholar.

9 In a 1982 interview Chester Atkins, then Chairman of the Massachusetts state Senate Ways and Means Committee, expressed the Contrast by saying: “Massachusetts has a bifurcated economy. We have, on the one hand, enormous growth and affluence in the high-technology industry. High-technology industry is the highest employer in this state. On the other hand … Massachusetts does not have anything above minimum-wage jobs in the needle trades, the dying leather industries, etcetera.” Atkins won a seat in the US Congress in the 1984 elections, but as late as December 1984 a report from his state senate committee indicated that this division continued – economic growth being concentrated in particular industries located in the northeastern part of the state. See: Mohl, Bruce A., “State economy is very strong, too concentrated, study finds,” Boston Globe, 19 12 1984Google Scholar.

10 High-technology industries do of course use non-graduate labour too — especially in assembly work. However, they have an unusual proportion of graduate workers, especially in research departments which are crucial in this rapidly developing field, and the research side of the industry has been the state's great strength.

11 In 1962 only 15% of respondents to a national survey favoured the availability of abortion; by 1980 a similar question found half the respondents in favour. A 1960 question had only 10% in favour of easier divorce laws, while even after 18 years of reforms a similar 1978 question found a substantial 28% wanting divorce made still easier. Sources: American Institute of Public Opinion, Survey 662 (August 23–28, 1962), Survey 624 (Feb 4–9, 1960); National Opinion Research Center, General Social Survey, 1978, 1980.

12 The National Opinion Research Center General Social Survey over the period 1972–78 found several such differences. Premarital sex was strongly disapproved by 48% of those respondents without a degree, by only 31% of graduates. Homosexuality/lesbianism met with strong disapproval from 87% of non-graduates, 56% of graduates. Abortion availability was favoured by just 38% of non-graduates, but 65% of graduates.

13 In 1982 and 1984 Republicans contested fewer than half the seats in the Massachusetts House and Senate.

14 Ladd, Everett Carll, Where Have All the Voters Gone? (New York: Norton, 1978), p. 32Google Scholar.

15 Surveys taken in March and October 1980 by the Clark University Public Affairs Research Center, when broken down by sex, race, education level, geographical distribution, age, income, religion, and union membership, indicated that Democratic Party affiliation outnumbered Republican allegiance in every group save one: Protestants.

16 Survey taken for Edward J. King by Baraff, Morris & Mercurio Associates, March 1978.

18 In one survey voters ranked King 149th among the nation's 150 US senators and Governors. See: “War of the Media Wizards,” Boston Globe, 19 09 1982, p. A-1Google Scholar.

19 “King, Dukakis and the Polls,” Boston Globe, 19 09 1982, p. 1Google Scholar.

20 Survey conducted by the political science departments of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and the State University of New York, Potsdam.

21 “Which way for King's supporters?,” Boston Globe, 31 10 1982, p. 36Google Scholar.

22 Figures derived from Massachusetts Election Statistics 1978, and Massachusetts Election Statistics 1982 (Boston: State Secretary's Office, Public Document PD 43).

23 See: Mileur, Jerome M., “Massachusetts: The Democratic Party Charter Movement,” in Party Renewal in America, ed. Pomper, Gerald (New York: Praeger, 1980)Google Scholar.

24 George Goodwin Jr., “Party Organization in Massachusetts,” in forthcoming volume edited by Jerome M. Mileur.

25 Interview with David Bartley, Boston, 21 Sept. 1982.

26 Interview with Bob Garvey, Amherst, MA., 23 Sept. 1982.

27 Interview with Thomas P. O'Neill III, Boston, 21 Sept. 1982.

28 See, for example: Sabato, Larry, The Rise of Political Consultants (New York: Basic, 1981)Google Scholar.

29 “The Campaign Quotes,” Boston Globe, 5 11 1978, p. A-5Google Scholar.

30 Interview with Dukakis, Boston, 6 Jan. 1982.

31 Interview with Edward Reilly, Boston, 5 Jan. 1982.