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Patriotism and Neo-Traditionalism in Buganda: The Kabaka Yekka (‘The King Alone’) Movement, 1961–19621

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

I. R. Hancock
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Extract

In May 1961 a small group of men formed the Kabaka Yekka movement in the Kingdom of Buganda. Their simple objective was to unite the Baganda behind the throne, the symbol and guarantee of Buganda's separate identity. The great fear was that the election of a national Democratic Party government in the previous March had marked a decisive stage in the destruction of Buganda's special position within Uganda. Kabaka Yekka's appeal to Ganda loyalty was instantly successful, but it was not until the Kabaka's ministers agreed to accept membership of independent Uganda, and to support Kabaka Yekka in Buganda, that Kabaka Yekka could win popular support and deal effectively with the Democratic Party. But when Kabaka Yekka became an ‘official’ movement, its whole nature and function was changed. There had been differences at the beginning, but now the simple objective barely disguised the contradictions within the movement, while Kabaka Yekka became a means to personal promotion as well as the guardian of the ‘national’ interest. Above all, Kabaka Yekka now included the chiefs, who wanted to preserve the existing political and social arrangements within Buganda. So by February 1962 Kabaka Yekka had become the party for the Baganda and for the status quo within Buganda. It was a party which, because it was identified with the Kabakaship, was able to destroy the Democratic Party in elections for the Buganda Lukiko, and a party which, although in alliance with Dr Obote's Uganda People's Congress in national politics, had aroused sentiments and interests pointing ultimately, if not irrevocably, to Ganda separation.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 11 , Issue 3 , July 1970 , pp. 419 - 434
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1970

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References

2 Uganda Argus, 12 06 1961; Uganda Empya, 12 06 1961.Google Scholar

3 Audrey Richards in Fallers, L. (ed.), The King's Men (London, 1964), 384.Google Scholar

4 See, in particular: Apter, D., The Political Kingdom in Uganda (Princeton, 1961);Google ScholarLow, D. A., Political Parties in Uganda, 1949–1962 (London, 1962).Google Scholar

5 There are various accounts of the origins of Kabaka Yekka. See, in particular: Richards, , The King's Men, 381–3Google ScholarGertzel, C., ‘How Kabaka Yekka came to be’, Africa Report, IX, no. 9 (1964), 9–12;Google ScholarWilly, Mukasa, ‘KY not a political party’, Uganda Argus, 25 11 1964;Google ScholarWelbourn, F. B., Religion and Politics in Uganda, 1952–1962 (Nairobi, 1965), 26–7. As will be seen, this account varies from the others mainly in giving a central place to Masembe-Kabali and to the lesser known figures from the Kampala suburbs.Google Scholar

6 The programme appears in two versions in 71 (ii). The following paragraph is based on the second revised plan.

7 The details of the manoeuvres can be followed in the Uganda Argus and in the vernacular press in early May. One of the moves involved the formation of the Federal party led by Mulira and financed by Masembe. The party held a general meeting at Kampala, but only thirty-five people attended. Interviews: Masembe-Kabali, 2 and g May 1965; Mulira, 3 June 1965.

8 Mengo was the seat of the Kabaka's government.

9 Delegates' Conference, Minutes, 4 03 1962, 71(v).Google Scholar

10 The Kakamega folder is listed as no. 67 in the library at Makerere University College.

11 Interview: Masembe-Kabali, 9 May 1965. Mpagi, Bakka and Tamale informed the writer that they were given similar advice.

12 See Mukasa, ‘KY not a political party’. Mukasa's account attaches prime importance to these two groups in the formation of Kabaka Yekka. Although the present writer would argue that in point of time Masembe first approached those who can be identified as members of the Kakamega club, the precise location of the original source for recruits is less important than establishing the fact there there was a considerable overlap in the membership of the three groups.

13 71 (ii). Unfortunately, one list, dated 24 May 1961 and shown to the writer in 1965, does not appear to be in the files. The figure of thirty-seven has been taken from this list. The folder includes several other lists, however, which match the one Masembe described as the ‘official’ list except that there are some important omissions and additions. Dr Lumu is cited in one place as a founder. In fact he stayed out. Interviews: Masembe-Kabali, 16 May 1965; Lumu, 30 June 1965. See note 30 below.

14 See above, p. 421.

15 See above, p. 420.

16 The phrase ‘political malcontents’ was used by Professor R. C. Pratt in referring to this sort of people: quoted in Low, D. A., ‘The advent of populism in Buganda’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, VI (1963–1964), 424. It is one of the assumptions of this article that the populist ‘outburst’ in 1959 carried over to 1961–2 in that the lesser known figures in the UNM played important roles off-stage in Kabaka Yekka.Google Scholar

17 Interview: Bakka, August 1965.

18 First Kabaka Yekka letter, July 1961. The quotations which follow are based on two Kabaka Yekka letters or pamphlets edited by Masembe and published in July and August in 1961 and cited, for convenience, as First and Second.

19 Welbourn, Cf., Religion and Politics, chap. XI.Google Scholar

20 Sam Kalule, Second Kabaka Yekka Letter, August 1961.

21 First Kabaka Yekka Letter, op. cit.

22 Interview: Mpagi, 8 Aug. 1965. Mulira attended the demonstration and was photographed holding the manifesto of his Federal party. Mpagi used this as evidence that Mulira was really a self-seeker. Although formally excluded, Mulira continued an informal connexion with Kabaka Yekka through his friendship with Masembe. Interview: Mulira, 3 June and 23 July 1965.

23 Formed in 1954, this party came to press for immediate independence for Buganda— with the other provinces and districts of Uganda to follow and join Buganda if they wanted to. See, for example, Uganda Argus, 26 02. 1957 and 25 08. 1959. At least six Kabaka Yekka founder members had belonged to this group and some, associated with the group, believe that Kabaka Yekka was simply the successor to the All-Buganda Party. Interview: Mrs Nkata, 23 Mar. 1969.Google Scholar

24 First Kabaka Yekka Letter, op. cit., note 18.

25 The Munster Commission which began meeting after the 1965 elections advised that Buganda should be given a special federal status. The main negotiators were G. Ibingira and B. K. Kirya for the Uganda People's Congress and Dr Lumu and Amos Sempa for the Baganda. Later, Dr Obote intervened directly, and he made the necessary offers to the Ganda leaders and finally to the Kabaka himself.

26 J P. Musoke, the Omulamuzi (minister of justice), a Catholic, announced later that he had not joined Kabaka Yekka (Uganda Argus, 1 02. 1962).Google Scholar

27 One group led by Augustine Kamya, a prominent figure around Katwe, refused to participate, despite Masembe's efforts. Kamya eventually formed his own organization (‘Amabega gwa Namulondo’ — ‘People behind the Throne’) to fight the election. All his candidates lost their deposits. Kamya's complaint was that Kabaka Yekka leaders were self-seekers who would destroy the throne. The complaint against Kamya was that he always had to be leader.

28 Unfortunately it has not been possible to determine how much Asian money was given to Kabaka Yekka. The funds were collected by individual Baganda. No accounts were kept and many charges of misuse of funds were made after the elections. All that the writer can say at the moment is that Kabaka Yekka was given several hundred thousand shillings. Masembe claimed that he spent his pension and 40,000 shillings of his own money on Kabaka Yekka. (General Meeting, Minutes, 29 05 1962, 72 (iv).)Google Scholar

29 The comnittee was elected just before 15 November 1961. The list of elected members will be found in 71(ii).

30 Lumu was a doctor, Walugembe a businessman, Lubowa a journalist. Lumu and Lubowa were then members of the Lukiko Constitutional Committee; Lubowa and Walugembe were Catholics; Walugembe had been a member of the Democratic Party and Lumu of the All-Buganda party; Walugembe and Lubowa were to become ministers in the Kabaka's government; after the Lukiko elections Lumu failed in his bid to replace Kintu, and became a minister in the Uganda government.

31 Masembe has always denied that he was ambitious for office, but the evidence points increasingly to his attempts from late 1961 to obtain a ministerial post in the Kabaka's government. When Lumu challenged Kintu in March 1961, Masembe was on the steering committee ‘ticket’ for a place in the government.

32 It was not until early January that it was finally decided to retain the steering committee. Delegates' Meeting, Minutes, 5 01. 1961, 71 (ii).Google Scholar

33 Musa Bulwadda; see also the complaints by Katwe and Setimba (founder members), Steering Committee, Minutes, 15 11. 1961, 71 (ii).Google Scholar See also Steering Committee, Minutes, 20 11. 1961, 71 (v).Google Scholar One objection was that the Uganda National Congress group had not dissolved itself; see the press release by Kironde, A., 18 11. 1961, 71 (ii).Google Scholar

34 Interview: Walugembe, 3 Aug. 1965.

35 Steering Committee, Minutes, 15 11. 1961, 71 (ii).Google Scholar

36 General Meeting, Minutes, 20 01 1961, 71(v). The Kabaka Yekka campaigners were young men from the Kampala suburbs who were organized by Masembe to go into the constituencies. After the election they proved a source of embarrassment by demanding funds, jobs and influence.Google Scholar

37 Kintu did tell Masembe to give him the names of those chiefs who failed to co-operate. Interview: Masembe-Kabali, , 16 05 1965.Google Scholar

38 There is a very interesting and detailed account of the pre-selection process for the constituencies in Singo county in 71(v).

39 One steering committee candidate who was accepted was L. Kalule-Settala, later minister of finance in the Uganda government, who was a member of the Uganda People's Congress standing in the name of Kabaka Yekka.

40 It should be noted that the claim was made well after the election. Interview: 16 May 1965. See also General Meeting, Minutes, 19 05 1962, 71 (iv).Google Scholar

41 See the reports of Kabaka Yekka delegations in 71(i) and (vii). One of the difficulties in making this assessment is that the delegations would indiscriminately accuse all who opposed them of having Democratic Party sympathies.

42 Uganda National Assembly Elections, 1926, appendix H. The three Democratic Party seats were in the ‘Lost Counties’; in one the Kabaka Yekka candidate failed to submit his nomination papers on time. It is worth noting that one month before the election a Kabaka Yekka report on all constituencies expressed doubts about Kabaka Yekka's prospects in nearly half of them. See 24 Jan. 1962 in 71(i).

43 Low, Cf., Political Parties in Uganda, 55.Google Scholar

44 The basic complaint was that the official (William Kalema—later a member of the Uganda People's Congress/Kabaka Yekka government and from mid-1963 a member of the Uganda People's Congress) subdivided Catholic strongholds to break up the Democratic Party vote. Kalema claimed that his object was to keep religion out of politics. Interview: 2 Aug. 1965.

45 Interview: P. Semogerere, Publicity Secretary, Democratic Party, 27 July 1965 B. Bataringaya, in early 1962 a Democratic Party minister, later a leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly and then a Uganda People's Congress minister, 23 July 1965.

46 The English and vernacular press are full of the enormities practised by both sides. For some good examples of misrepresentation see the Catholic paper, Munno, 11 01. 1962, and Uganda Eyogera, 1 01. 1962.Google Scholar

47 Interview; 23 June 1965.

48 Kabaka Atta Nabbe (Kabaka Yekka, 1962).

49 Interviews: Sempa, 31 May and 8 June 1965; Masembe-Kabali, 16 May 1965.