Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-sjtt6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-20T18:42:24.655Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Labour Reservoirs and Population: French Colonial Strategies in Koudougou, Upper Volta, 1914 to 1939*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Dennis D. Cordell  and
Joel W. Gregory
Dennis D. Cordell
Affiliation:
Southern Methodist University
Joel W. Gregory
Affiliation:
Université de Montréal
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The colonial authorities perceived Upper Volta as the most important labour reservoir in French West Africa. Koudougou, the most populous administrative subdivision of what was Upper Volta during the colonial period, was probably also the most densely settled. Various types of colonial labour policies are examined. These include forced labour in its forms of annual ‘prestations’ and longer-term, large-scale recruiting for major public works, as well as military conscription and the use of the ‘2è portion’ in the public and private sectors. Based on archival research in West Africa, this study traces changes in the size of the labour force and the impact of the forced extraction of labour on the African populations. Finally, the wider significance of colonial labour policies is analysed.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 23 , Issue 2 , April 1982 , pp. 205 - 224
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The Mossi today make up about half of the population of Upper Volta.

2 Journal Officiel de la République Franfaise, v-ix (1891), 4848.Google Scholar Cited in Coulibaly, Sidiki, ‘Les migrations voltaiques: les origines, les motifs et les perceptions des politiques’, Ph.D. dissertation, demography, Université de Montréal, 1978, 46.Google Scholar

3 1840, X–6–132 (all archival numbers are from the Archives Nationales de la Côte d' Ivoire, and are cited by number and abbreviated title), ‘Lettre du Gouverneur-Général de l'AOF au Lieutenant Gouverneur de la HV, 19 December 1927. Cited in Coulibaly, ‘Les migrations voltaïques’, 56.

4 Ibid. 58.

5 5086, V–20–88, ‘Correspondances adressées au Gouverneur-Général au sujet de l'emploi de la main d'oeuvre voltaïque’, 1933.

6 5379. XV–16–43, ‘Lettre des Etablissements Holtzscher au Commandant du Cercle de Bobo-Dioulasso’, 30 January 1924.

7 This study is based on colonial reports for Koudougou, Upper Volta and Ivory Coast available at the archives in Abidjan. Some documents are missing for the period between 1914 and 1939; future research in other archives should fill these gaps. Additional data will probably refine, but not undermine, the major conclusions presented here. This study is but part of a larger project to write a history of population in French West Africa during the colonial period.

8 Suret-Canale, Jean, Afrique noire: l'ère coloniale, 1900–1945 (Paris, 1961), 119.Google Scholar Tiacoh Carnot, ‘Les villages de colonisation en Côte d'lvoire, 1934–1938’, a brief study published by the Ministere de l'Interieur, Direction des Archives Nationales, Abidjan, January 1981, 7, note 4.

9 See Echenberg, Myron, ‘Paying the blood tax: military conscription in French West Africa 1914–1929’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, ix, ii (1975), 171–92.Google Scholar

10 See, for example, our discussion in ‘Historical demography and demographic history’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, xiv, iii (1980), 389–416.Google Scholar

11 Before 1919 the French were still consolidating their political and military domination of Upper Volta, a process which was slowed down by numerous revolts in the western part of the colony, and, of course, by the war of 1914 to 1918. Colonial reports prior to 1920 do not provide data on the population of Koudougou, although the 1928 report (1763, X–21–426) does include data for the subdivision of Yako in 1914–15. After 1939 the Abidjan archives remain closed.

12 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1929.

13 4075, VI–I9/4, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1933, 5. The data are as follows:

14 3301, IV–38–146, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport du ler semestre’, 1937, 7.

15 In the absence of deterioration of the administrative apparatus. There is no evidence in the archival reports of consistent decline in administrative quality in the 1920s and consistent improvement in the 1930s, a pattern which would be necessary to ‘explain’ the changes in population estimates. We use the word ‘consistent’ because the detail of administrative reports and the interests of particular commandants varied considerably over the 25 years for which we have population data.

16 While we have no data for Koudougou to prove that births were equal to or greater than deaths, there seems to be general agreement that most of the populations of Upper Volta were growing slowly during the first part of the twentieth century. An excess of births over deaths is mentioned, for example, in the 1932 annual report (3033, IV–43/13).

17 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1925.

18 Ibid. 1929.

19 Suret-Canale, , Afrique noire, 377.Google Scholar

20 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1925.

21 IV–49/12, Côte d'lvoire (CI), Koudougou, ‘Rapport politique du ier semestre’, 1938.

22 We have estimated this total by taking the average number of person-days used for the 8 years for which we have data (1,782,679÷8 = 222,835) and multiplying by 22, the number of years, to get a result of nearly 5 million (4,902,370). It is probable that this estimate is low, given that two-eighths of the average is weighted towards a minimum level of prestations as practised in 1917 and 1919. The average for the 3 years in the 1920s was higher, and for 1931 and 1932 even higher. The low figure for 1930 may reflect the impact of the drought, the grasshopper plagues, and the beginnings of the world economic crisis (see Part II).

23 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1931.

24 In 1938 colonial policy again sought to reduce the severity of the prestations regime. Food, health, rest periods and travel time were all included in the revised policies that accompanied economic recovery. 3301, IV–38–146, CI, Koudougou, ‘Rapport du 2e semestre’, 1937.

25 3303, IV–43/I3, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1932.

26 This railroad was informally called the Chemin de fer Mossi. This probably refers to its ultimate destination, Mossi land. In retrospect, this nickname is ironic, since the line was built on the backs of Mossi labourers. Moreover, the line opened Mossi land to further exploitation. Construction proceeded very slowly. Begun in the first decade of the century, the line reached Bouaké in 1912 (315 kilometres). Extension to Upper Volta began in 1922, reaching Bobo-Dioulasso in 1934 (796 km). The depression and the Second World War again delayed work, and the trains rolled into Ouagadougou only in 1954. Suret-Canale, , Afrique noire, 259–260.Google Scholar

27 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1925.

28 5EEi (i), HV, ‘Rapport de l'ensemble de la colonic’, 1920.

29 5075. XIII–40–100/879, HV, ‘Rapport annuel de la colonie de Haute-Volta’, 1926.

30 Ibid. So critical was the situation in the Ivory Coast that the Lieutenant-Governor published a lengthy circular on labour recruiting in early 1925. It identifies three causes of the crisis: (i) a rise in demand associated with the increased number of forestry companies; (2) a decline in supply caused by migration and the closing of some cercles to recruiting; and (3) an ambivalent attitude on the part of administrators to contract labour. Brunot, R., ‘No 25 G, circulaire adressé à MM les Commandants de cercle au sujet du recrutement de la main d'oeuvre’, Journal Officiel de la Cote d'lvoire, xxxi, i (15 January 1925), 5.Google Scholar

31 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1928, 1929, 1930.

32 Ibid. 1931.

33 6870, XVIII–10–52–418, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport mensuel de mai 1931’.

34 I763. X–2I–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapportannuel’, 1931; 6870, XVIII–10–52–418, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport mensuel d'avril 1931’.

35 3303, IV–43/13, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1932.

36 Despite their lack of savings, those who returned from the railroad were the fortunate ones. Many did not return at all. Very fragmentary medical data identify dysentery as the major cause of death, although cases of meningitis and pneumonia were also frequent. 5469, XV–18–25, CI, Service médical des travaux neufs (Chemin de fer de la Côte d‘lvoire), ‘Rapport médical mensuel, octobre 1930.’

37 Unless otherwise indicated all information in this section is from Carnot, ‘Les villages de colonisation’.

38 3334. VI–7/4, CI, ‘Rapport annuel sur le travail’, 1939, 30–33.

39 Carnot, ‘Les villages de colonisation’, 6–7.

40 Echenberg, Myron, ‘Les migrations militaires en Afrique occidentale française, 1900–1945’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, xiv, iii (1980), 430Google Scholar; Michel, Marc, ‘Le recrutement des tirailleurs en AOF pendant la première guerre mondiale’, Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, lx, iv (1973), 644–660.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Accurate research on military conscription must be done in the Dakar or Paris archives. The military records were kept at the level of AOF, in Dakar and Paris. Data on recruiting, at the level of each cercle, is available in these archives. See the two articles cited.

41 Suret-Canale, Afrique noire, 183–4.

42 5EE13 (i), AOF, Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Cercle de Ouagadougou, Subdivision de Koudougou, ‘Rapport timestriel’, 3è trimestre, 1917. The colonial administrator sent the cavalry to capture the rebellious villagers.

43 3033, IV–43/13, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1932.

44 Echenberg, , ‘Migrations militaires’, 444–8.Google Scholar

45 The category ‘bons absents’ (‘bon pour le service, mais absent’) is an excellent example of the phenomenon. In Upper Volta, the average absenteeism rate was 16 i per cent for the 1923–46 period. Ibid. 432–48.

46 1763, X–2I–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1925.

47 Ibid. 1929; 3303, CI, Koudougou, ‘Rapport du 2è semestre’, 1935.

48 Estimated as follows: 342,000 ÷ 2 sexes = 171,000; 171,000x55 per cent = 94,000 (this assumes a fairly young population). And, since the adult males were those who fled, we would expect this figure to have been, in reality, much lower for the resident population.

49 1763, X–21–426, HV, Koudougou, ‘Rapport annuel’, 1924.

50 Coulibaly, ‘Les migrations voltaïques’, 47–52.

51 This is an obvious example of one of the peculiarities of peripheral capitalism. The interested reader can refer to the burgeoning literature on the ‘modes of production debate’, including Meillassoux, Rey, Foster-Carter, and others. One of us has offered an application of this theory to demography: see Gregory, Joel W. and Piché, Victor, African Peripheral Capitalism and the Demographic Process (Montréal: Centre for Developing Areas Studies, McGill University, working paper, 1981).Google Scholar