Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-r5zm4 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-05T19:25:52.926Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Non-decision decisions in the Huawei 5G dilemma: Policy in Japan, the UK, and Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 February 2023

Alanna Krolikowski*
Affiliation:
Department of History and Political Science, Center for Science, Technology, and Society, and Intelligent Systems Center, Missouri University of Science and Technology, Rolla, MO, USA
Todd H. Hall
Affiliation:
Department of Politics and International Relations and University of Oxford China Centre, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: akro@mst.edu

Abstract

Huawei, the telecommunications company based in the People's Republic of China (PRC), has presented the governments of several middle powers with a policy dilemma. On the one hand, Huawei's affordable 5G network technology is attractive to telecommunications operators in these countries, which do not have domestic producers of this equipment. On the other hand, the U.S. government and intelligence agencies in other countries maintain that Huawei gear presents intolerable network security risks, a charge that the PRC government and Huawei forcefully reject as they insist Huawei merits access to foreign markets. Facing the question of whether and how to allow the installation of Huawei's 5G equipment in their domestic networks, the governments of Japan, the United Kingdom, and Germany have been caught between the competing demands of the two rivalrous superpowers and faced internal divisions among communities of government experts. At first glance, Japan, the UK, and Germany each appear to have responded to the Huawei dilemma in a different way. The Japanese government moved quickly and without formal announcement to exclude Huawei from its market, while publicly denying a ban. The UK government initially allowed Huawei to supply some of its national 5G infrastructure, but then reversed itself to ban the company's equipment outright after a U.S. regulatory change. The German government has yet to officially ban Huawei, but has taken successive steps to curtail the PRC company's continued involvement in its domestic networks. In spite of their apparent differences, the three national responses to the Huawei dilemma share a fundamental commonality: all amount to ‘non-decision decisions’ on the question of whether and how to allow Huawei to supply domestic 5G networks. In one way or another, each government avoided making policy decisions that were either explicit, definitive, or singular on the issue, but nonetheless reduced the likelihood of Huawei's participation in its domestic 5G infrastructure. After developing the concept of a ‘non-decision decision,’ we explain why these maneuvers are not isolated responses to a specific policy conundrum, but may presage a mode of middle power coping with competing demands from two increasingly rivalrous superpowers.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Amann, M (2019) Spion an der Milchkanne (Spy on the Milk Jug), Der Spiegel, 9 February, p. 28.Google Scholar
Ambrose, T (2022) Guto Harri reportedly lobbied No. 10 chief of staff to stop ban on Huawei, The Guardian, 7 February. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2022/feb/07/guto-harri-reportedly-lobbied-no-10-chief-of-staff-to-stop-ban-on-huawei (Accessed 19 April 2022).Google Scholar
Barkin, N (2018) German officials sound China alarm as 5G auctions loom, Reuters, 13 November.Google Scholar
Bartz, T (2019) Ewiger Kniefall (Eternal Kneeling), Der Spiegel, 24 August, p. 60.Google Scholar
Bauerle Danzman, S and Meunier, S (2021) The Big screen: mapping the diffusion of foreign investment screening mechanisms. SSRN Scholarly Paper 3913248. Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. Available at https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3913248.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
BBC News (2020 a) BT delays removal of Huawei from EE's core network, 15 April. Available at https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-52296666 (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
BBC News (2020 b) Huawei: government wins vote after backbench rebellion, 10 March. Available at https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-51806704 (Accessed 24 August 2020).Google Scholar
Bennhold, K and Ewing, J (2020) German call on Huawei and 5G may hinge on vital automakers, The New York Times, 17 January, p. A1.Google Scholar
Broszio, S (2020) Vielfalt statt Abhängigkeit (Diversity instead of dependence), Deutsche Telekom, 7 July. Available at https://www.telekom.com/de/blog/konzern/artikel/telekom-setzt-auf-multi-vendor-strategie-603466 (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Bruce, A (2019) UK to allow Huawei limited access to 5G networks: Telegraph, Reuters, 23 April. Available at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-britain-huawei-tech-idUSKCN1RZ2HD (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Brunnstrom, D (2019) Pompeo tells Germany: use Huawei and lose access to our data, Reuters, 31 May. Available at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-germany-idUSKCN1T10HH (Accessed 4 September 2020).Google Scholar
Bundesnetzagentur (2019) Katalog von Sicherheitsanforderungen (Catalogue of security requirements).Google Scholar
Bundesrat (2021) Gesetzbeschluss des Deutschen Bundestages: Zweites Gesetz zur Erhöhung der Sicherheit informationstechnischer Systeme (Legislative decision of the German Bundestag: second law to increase the security of information technology systems). Bundesrat. Available at https://www.bundesrat.de/SharedDocs/drucksachen/2021/0301-0400/324-21.pdf?__blob=publicationFile&v=1 (Accessed 16 May 2021).Google Scholar
Campion, AS (2020) From CNOOC to Huawei: securitization, the China threat, and critical infrastructure. Asian Journal of Political Science 28, 4766.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Castle, S (2019) Pompeo attacks China and warns Britain over Huawei security risks, The New York Times, 8 May. Available at https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/08/technology/pompeo-huawei-britain.html (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
CDU/CSU-Fraktion im Deutschen Bundestag (2020) Deutschlands digitale Souveränität sichern – Maßstäbe für sichere 5G-Netze setzen (Securing Germany's digital sovereignty – setting standards for secure 5G-networks). Available at https://www.cducsu.de/sites/default/files/2020-02/Positionspapier%205G-Netzaufbau-100220.pdf (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
CDU/CSU (2021) IT-Sicherheitsgesetz 2.0 verabshiedet (IT Security Law 2.0 concluded). Available at https://www.cducsu.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/it-sicherheitsgesetz-20-verabschiedet (Accessed 16 May 2021).Google Scholar
Cheung, TM and Gill, B (2013) Trade versus security: how countries balance technology transfers with China. Journal of East Asian Studies 13, 443456. Available at https://www.jstor.org/stable/26335258 (Accessed 8 August 2020).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Delhaes, D, Kock, M and Heide, D (2019) Neue Sicherheitsmaßnahmen; Huawei darf das 5G-Netz ausrüsten (New security measures, Huawei is allowed to equip the 5G network). Handelsblatt Online, 7 February.Google Scholar
Der Spiegel, (2021) Bundestag beschließt Hürden-für-Huawei-Gesetz (The Bundestag passes a ‘hurdles-for-Huawei’ law), Der Spiegel, 23 April.Google Scholar
Dowden, O (2020) Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Secretary's statement on telecoms. UK House of Commons, London, UK, 14 July. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/digital-culture-media-and-sport-secretarys-statement-on-telecoms (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
Duchâtel, M (2020) Japan's 5G: a mirror for Europe. Institut Montaigne. Available at https://www.institutmontaigne.org/en/blog/japans-5g-mirror-europe (Accessed 13 August 2020).Google Scholar
Ericsson, (2018) Fujitsu and Ericsson team up on 5G partnership, Telefonaktiebolaget LM Ericsson. Available at https://www.ericsson.com/en/press-releases/2018/10/fujitsu-and-ericsson-team-up-on-5g-partnership (Accessed 14 August 2020).Google Scholar
Farrell, H and Newman, AL (2019) Weaponized interdependence: how global economic networks shape state coercion. International Security 44, 4279.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fildes, N (2018 a) BT to strip Huawei equipment from its core 4G network, Financial Times, 5 December. Available at https://www.ft.com/content/c639aaf4-f7c9-11e8-8b7c-6fa24bd5409c (Accessed 28 August 2020).Google Scholar
Fildes, N (2018 b) O2 to test Huawei 5G equipment in London, Financial Times, 21 December. Available at https://www.ft.com/content/8fa0ad72-0510-11e9-9d01-cd4d49afbbe3 (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Fisher, L (2020) Downing Street plans new 5G club of democracies, 29 May. Available at https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/downing-street-plans-new-5g-club-of-democracies-bfnd5wj57 (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
Foreign Affairs Committee of the Deutscher Bundestag (2019) Öffentliche Anhörung des Auswärtigen Ausschusses zum Thema: Einführung des Mobilfunkstandards 5G (Public hearing of the Foreign Affairs Committee on the topic: introduction of the 5G mobile communications standard). Deutscher Bundestag. Available at https://dbtg.tv/cvid/7398783 (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Germano, S (2019) Huawei strikes German 5G deal despite political pushback. Wall Street Journal, 11 December.Google Scholar
Gillies, R (2021) Canadians, Chinese executive return home in prisoner swap, AP NEWS. Available at https://apnews.com/article/middle-east-canada-china-arrests-washington-2b6e0977ae93557ad1265869d57838ed (Accessed 21 April 2022).Google Scholar
Hansen, L and Nissenbaum, H (2009) Digital disaster, cyber security, and the Copenhagen school. International Studies Quarterly 53, 11551175. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/27735139 (Accessed 30 May 2021).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hass, R (2022) Beijing's response to the Biden administration's China policy, China Leadership Monitor. Available at https://www.prcleader.org/hass-1 (Accessed 29 August 2022).Google Scholar
HCSEC Oversight Board (2018) Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre Oversight Board (HCSEC): Annual report 2018. London, UK: Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre Oversight Board. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/huawei-cyber-security-evaluation-centre-oversight-board-annual-report-2018 (Accessed 18 August 2020).Google Scholar
HCSEC Oversight Board (2019) Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre Oversight Board (HCSEC): Annual report 2019. London, UK: Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre Oversight Board. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/huawei-cyber-security-evaluation-centre-oversight-board-annual-report-2018 (Accessed 18 August 2020).Google Scholar
Heide, D and Scheuer, S (2019) Mobilfunknetz; ‘Wer hat Angst vor Huawei?’ – Die Sorge um die Sicherheit von 5G wächst (Mobile network: who is afraid of Huawei? Concerns over the security of 5G grow), Handelsblatt, 16 January.Google Scholar
Hern, A and Press Association (2018) BT removing Huawei equipment from parts of 4G network, The Guardian, 6 December. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/dec/05/bt-removing-huawei-equipment-from-parts-of-4g-network (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Hoppe, T, Koch, M and Kerkmann, C (2021) 5G-Netz: Bundestag beschließt strikte Sicherheitsprüfung für Huawei (5G-network: Bundestag decides strict security test for Huawei), Handelsblatt, 23 April.Google Scholar
Huawei, (2016 a) BT and Huawei embark on pioneering 5G research partnership, Huawei. Available at https://www.huawei.com/us/news/2016/12/bt-huawei-embark-5g-research-partnership (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Huawei, (2016 b) Huawei and Vodafone announce strategic partnership on 5G Technologies, Huawei. Available at https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2016/2/huawei-and-vodafone-announce-strategic-partnership-on-5g-technologies (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Huawei, (2016 c) Telefonica and Huawei sign joint innovation agreement on 5G & NG-RAN, Huawei. Available at https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2016/6/5gng-ran-lianhe-chuangxin-xieyi (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Huawei, (2017) SoftBank and Huawei demonstrate 5G Use Cases, Huawei. Available at https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2017/9/Huawei-SoftBank-5G-Use-Cases (Accessed 13 August 2020).Google Scholar
Huawei, (2018) Deutsche Telekom and Huawei complete world's first 5G high mmWave technology over-the-air field tests, Huawei. Available at https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2018/2/dectschtelckom-5g-high-mmwave-technology (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Ikenberry, GJ (2016) Between the eagle and the Dragon: America, China, and middle state strategies in East Asia. Political Science Quarterly 131, 943.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inagaki, K and Fildes, N (2020) NEC sees Huawei's woes as chance to crack 5G market, Financial Times, 1 July.Google Scholar
Inkster, N (2019) The Huawei Affair and China's technology ambitions. Survival 61, 105111.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Japanese Diet (2019) Daini momo kaikoku kai sangiin gi roku daisan gou (200th Meeting of the Upper House of the Diet, Diet Record Number 3). Kanpo.Google Scholar
Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2019) Dai 5 sedai idō tsūshin shisutemu (5G) no ima to shōrai tenbō (Present and future outlook of 5G systems). Available at https://www.soumu.go.jp/main_content/000633132.pdf (Accessed 13 August 2020).Google Scholar
Jiji Press (2018) Nipponseifu, Fāu-ei to ZTE no kisei kentō ka (Japanese government, Huawei and ZTE regulatory review?), 4 September.Google Scholar
Job, B (2020) Between a rock and a hard place: the dilemmas of middle powers. Issues and Studies 56, 124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jung, SC, Lee, J and Lee, J-Y (2021) The Indo-Pacific strategy and US alliance network expandability: Asian middle powers’ positions on Sino–US geostrategic competition in Indo-pacific region. Journal of Contemporary China 30, 5368.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Keane, S (2019) Huawei exclusion from 5G sends ‘bad signal,’ Chinese ambassador warns UK, CNET. Available at https://www.cnet.com/news/chinese-ambassador-warns-britain-huawei-exclusion-from-5g-sends-bad-signal/ (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Kello, L (2013) The meaning of the cyber revolution: perils to theory and statecraft. International Security 38, 740.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koch, M (2019) 5G-Ausbau; Aufstand Gegen Huawei: Abgeordnete rebellieren gegen Merkels Politik (5G-expansion, revolt against Huawei: representatives rebel against Merkel's policy), Handelsblatt, 22 October.Google Scholar
Koch, M (2020) 5G-Debatte; ‘Smoking gun’: Bundesregierung hat Beweise gegen Huawei (5G-Debate: smoking gun: the federal government has evidence against Huawei), Handelsblatt, 29 January.Google Scholar
Koch, M (2021) Drohender Huawei-Ausschluss bei 5G-Netz: Es darf keine Entschädigung für die Telekom geben (Impending Huawei exclusion from the 5-G Network: there should be no compensation for Telekoms), Handelsblatt, 24 April.Google Scholar
Koch, M and Scheuer, S (2020 a) Huawei-Technik; 5G-Offensive von Vodafone und Telekom stößt in der Politik auf Widerstand (Huawei Technic: 5G-offensive from Vodafone and Telekom runs up against political resistance), Handelsblatt, 26 April.Google Scholar
Koch, M and Scheuer, S (2020 b) Szenario des Schreckens (Terror scenario), Handelsblatt, 17 June, p. 16.Google Scholar
Kupchan, C (2021) Bipolarity is back: why it matters. The Washington Quarterly 44, 123139.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lai, C (2018) Acting one way and talking another: China's coercive economic diplomacy in East Asia and beyond. The Pacific Review 31, 169187.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lamb, N (2019) Letter by Chair of Science and Technology Committee to Jeremy Wright regarding Huawei [190710]. UK Parliament Science and Technology Select Committee. Available at https://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons-committees/science-technology/Correspondence/190710-Chair-to-Jeremy-Wright-re-Huawei.pdf (Accessed 28 August 2020).Google Scholar
Lenihan, AT (2021) How can the effectiveness of Western FDI regulations be ensured with respect to the national security risks posed by strategic inbound investment from China?. In Protect, Constrain, Contest: Approaches for Coordinated Transatlantic Economic and Technological Competition with China. London, UK: LSE Ideas, pp. 1116. Available at https://www.lse.ac.uk/ideas/publications/reports (Accessed 21 April 2022).Google Scholar
Lewis, L and Inagaki, K (2018) SoftBank mobile unit falls 15% in Tokyo trading debut, Financial Times, 19 December.Google Scholar
Liu, X (2021) Chinese multinational enterprises operating in western economies: Huawei in the US and the UK. Journal of Contemporary China 30, 368385.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mainichi (2018 a) 5G – Chūgoku-sei haijo motomeru sōmu-shō, denpa wariate shishin (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications radio spectrum allocation guidelines require excluding Chinese-made 5G), 15 December.Google Scholar
Mainichi (2018 b) Chūgokutsūshin kiki – ‘haijo’ mōshiawase shōchō chōtatsu de nipponseifu (Agreement to exclude Chinese telecommunications equipment in ministerial procurement, government of Japan), 10 December.Google Scholar
Mainichi (2018 c) Keitai 3-sha – Chūgoku kiki haijo raishū san'nyū rakuten mo 5G kichi-kyoku nado de (Three mobile companies exclude Chinese equipment, also Rakuten participating next fall, from 5G base stations, etc.), 12 December.Google Scholar
Mansfield, ED and Busch, ML (1995) The political economy of nontariff barriers: a cross-national analysis. International Organization 49, 723749. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706924 (Accessed 30 May 2021).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mascitelli, B and Chung, M (2019) Hue and cry over Huawei: cold war tensions, security threats or anti-competitive behaviour? Research in Globalization 1, 16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moore, M (2018) O2 confirms 5G tests will use Huawei kit, TechRadar. Available at https://www.techradar.com/news/o2-confirms-5g-tests-will-use-huawei-kit (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Mumme, T (2019) Huawei: Chinesische Handelskammer warnt vor Bann (Huawei: Chinese chamber of commerce warns against a ban), Tagesspiegel Background, 11 November. Available at https://background.tagesspiegel.de/digitalisierung/huawei-chinesische-handelskammer-warnt-vor-bann (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Nass, M (2019) ‘Praktisch nicht zu schützen’; Soll die chinesische Firma Huawei an der Zukunft der Telekommunikation in Deutschland beteiligt werden? Der US-Diplomat Christopher Ford warnt vor Naivität (‘Practically impossible to defend’; should the Chinese company Huawei participate in the future of telecommunications in Germany? The US diplomat Christopher Ford warns against naivety), Die Zeit, 7 November, p. 6.Google Scholar
Nikkei Asia Review (2020) UK asks Japan for help with 5G as alternative to Huawei, 18 July.Google Scholar
Record China (2018) Nihon mo fāu~ei kinshi? (Huawei banned in Japan too?), 28 August.Google Scholar
Reuters (2020) Trump ‘apoplectic’ with UK's Johnson over Huawei decision: FT, 6 February. Available at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-britain-usa-huawei-trump-idUSKBN2002R2 (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
Rosemain, M and Barzic, G (2020) Exclusive: French limits on Huawei 5G equipment amount to de facto ban by 2028, Reuters, 22 July. Available at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-huawei-5g-security-exclusive-idUSKCN24N26R (Accessed 1 April 2022).Google Scholar
Rosenbach, M (2019) Nur Vorsorge hilft (Only precaution helps), Der Spiegel, 20 July, p. 36.Google Scholar
Rothenberg, C (2020) 5G-Debatte; ‘Unreife Ansichten’: Deutsche Außenpolitiker greifen US-Botschafter Grenell scharf an (5G-Debate, Immature views: German foreign policy makers sharply attack US Ambassador Grenell), Handelsblatt, 17 February.Google Scholar
Sabbagh, D (2020) Boris Johnson forced to reduce Huawei's role in UK's 5G networks, The Guardian, 22 May. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2020/may/22/boris-johnson-forced-to-reduce-huaweis-role-in-uks-5g-networks (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
Sandle, P (2020) Vodafone to remove Huawei from core of European network, Reuters, 5 February.Google Scholar
Scheuer, S (2021) Japanischer Netzbetreiber Rakuten soll 1&1 mit 5G in Deutschland helfen (Japanese network provided Rakuten will help 1&1 with 5G in Germany), Handelsblatt, 15 March.Google Scholar
Scott, J, Murtaugh, D and Bloomberg, (2019) China restricts Australian coal imports in likely retaliation to Huawei 5G ban, Fortune. Available at https://fortune.com/2019/02/21/china-australia-coal-imports/ (Accessed 21 April 2022).Google Scholar
Sherman, J (2020) Don't underestimate India's sidelining of Huawei, The Diplomat. Available at https://thediplomat.com/2020/09/dont-underestimate-indias-sidelining-of-huawei/ (Accessed 21 April 2022).Google Scholar
SPD Fraktion in Budestag (2019) Ein digital souveränes Europa mit sicheren 5G-Netzen (A digitally sovereign Europe with secure 5G networks). Available at https://www.spdfraktion.de/system/files/documents/positionspapier-ein-digital-souveraenes-europa-mit-sicheren-5g-netzen-20191217.pdf (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Stark, H (2019) Konzern unter Verdacht (Corporation under suspicion), Die Zeit, 21 February, pp. 1920.Google Scholar
Strand Consult (n.d.) Understanding the market for 4G RAN in Europe: share of Chinese and non-Chinese vendors in 102 mobile networks. Available at http://www.strandreports.com/sw8772.asp (Accessed 19 August 2020).Google Scholar
Sweney, M (2020) Vodafone to remove Huawei from core European networks, The Guardian, 5 February. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/feb/05/vodafone-to-remove-huawei-from-core-european-networks (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
Tetsushi, K (2019) Japan tax revision targets corporate Cashpile to spur spending, 5G investment, Reuters, 12 December. Available at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-japan-economy-tax/cashpile-to-spur-spending-5g-investment-idUSKBN1YG0JI (Accessed 14 August 2020).Google Scholar
The Backlash to Huawei's Global 5 G Expansion (2020) Carnegie endowment for international peace. Available at https://carnegieendowment.org/publications/interactive/huawei-timeline (Accessed 4 September 2020).Google Scholar
UK Department for Digital, Culture, Media, and Sport (2019) UK telecoms supply chain review report. CP 158. London, UK: UK Department for Digital, Culture, Media, and Sport. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/telecoms-supply-chain-review-terms-of-reference (Accessed 28 August 2020).Google Scholar
UK National Security Adviser (2013) Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre: review by the national security adviser. London, UK: HM Government. Available at https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/266487/HCSEC_Review_Executive_Summary_FINAL.PDF (Accessed 28 August 2020).Google Scholar
UK NCSC (2020 a) Security analysis for the UK telecoms sector: summary of findings. London, UK: UK National Cyber Security Centre. Available at https://www.ncsc.gov.uk/files/Summary%20of%20the%20NCSCs%20security%20analysis%20for%20the%20UK%20telecoms%20sector.pdf.Google Scholar
UK NCSC (2020 b) Summary of the NCSC analysis of May 2020 US sanction. London, UK: UK National Cyber Security Centre, p. https://www.ncsc.gov.uk/report/summary-of-ncsc-analysis-of-us-may-2020-sanction.Google Scholar
UK Parliament (2021) Telecommunications (Security) Bill, UK Parliament. Available at https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/2806 (Accessed 24 May 2021).Google Scholar
UK Parliament Intelligence and Security Committee (2013) Foreign involvement in the Critical National Infrastructure [Rifkind Report]. Cm 8629. London, UK: UK Parliament. Available at https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/205680/ISC-Report-Foreign-Investment-in-the-Critical-National-Infrastructure.pdf.Google Scholar
UK Parliament Science and Technology Select Committee (2019) No technological grounds for banning Huawei, but ethical concerns must be taken into account, UK Parliament. Available at https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/science-and-technology-committee/news-parliament-2017/chairs-comments-huawei-5g-network-17-19/ (Accessed 28 August 2020).Google Scholar
U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of Industry and Security (2020) Export administration regulations: amendments to general prohibition three (foreign-produced direct product rule) and the entity list, Federal Register, 15 May, pp. 2984929863. Available at https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2020-10715 (Accessed 27 August 2020).Google Scholar
U.S. Department of State (2020) The clean network. Available at https://www.state.gov/the-clean-network/ (Accessed 20 August 2020).Google Scholar
Yang, Y (2019) Is Huawei compelled by Chinese law to help with espionage?, Financial Times, 5 March.Google Scholar
Yomiuri Shinbun (2018 a) Chūgokutsūshin 2-sha ‘haijo’ kakunin seifu chōtatsu (Confirmed. Exclusion of two Chinese telecommunications firms from government procurement), 11 December, p. 1.Google Scholar
Yomiuri Shinbun (2018 b) Chūgokutsūshin 2-sha o haijo fāu~ei ZTE shōchō shiyō kiki (Two Chinese telecommunications companies Huawei, ZTE excluded from equipment used by ministries), 7 December, p. 1.Google Scholar