1. Hajji Khalifah, Mīzān al-Ḥaqq, tr. G. Lewis in Kritzeck, J., Anthology of Islamic Literature (Harmondsworth, 1964), 32.Google Scholar Smitskamp Oriental Antiquarium, Islamic Manuscripts Catalogue 635 (Leiden, 2002)Google Scholar, foreword and 235 with a description of manuscript no. 271, notes that this manuscript has a marginal note recording “the dates of the introduction of coffee and tobacco in Istanbul (962/1554-5 and 1009/1600-01, respectively).”

2. Elgood, Cyril, Safavid Medical Practice (London, 1970), 41.Google Scholar

3. Ross, Sir Denison, ed., Sherley, Sir Anthony and His Persian Adventures (London, 1933), 181.Google Scholar

4. Falsafi, Nasrullah, Zindagānī-yi Shah ^ᶜAbbās-i Avval. 5 vols., 3rd edition (Tehran, 1344/1966), 2: 227.Google Scholar

5. Semsar, Hasan, “Naẓarī bih paydāyish-i qalyān va chepoq dar Īrān,” Hunar va Mardum 17 (1342/1963): 15Google Scholar; Idem, “L'apparition du narghileh et de la chibouque,” Objets et Mondes, La Revue du Musee de l'Homme 11 (1971): 83–94.Google Scholar

6. Laufer, Berthold, Tobacco and Its Use in Asia (Chicago, 1924).Google Scholar

7. M. Meyerhof, in EI, Supplement, 85a, s.v. “ḥaī; Rosenthal, Franz, The Herb (Leiden, 1971), 65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This is also clear from Tavernier who reported that, “recently the Uzbegs have introduced into Iran the fashion to smoke tchouhersee [sic; charas, or the resinous dust of Cannabis sativa] just like tobacco, which [substance] is like a flower or rather a cotton wool that is found on the hemp plant.” Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Voyages en Perse et description de ce royaume (Paris, 1930), 285.Google Scholar

8. Chardin, Sir John, Travels in Persia 1673-1677 (London, 1927), 143–44Google Scholar; Chardin, Voyages, ed. Langlès, L., 10 vols. (Paris, 1811), 3: 303.Google Scholar Much Persian tobacco was also exported to Russia Gopal, Surendra, Indians in Russia in the 17th and 18th Centuries (Calcutta, 1988), 97, 130.Google Scholar

9. Elgood, Safavid Medical Practice, 41; see also Yule, Henry and Burnell, A.C., Hobson-Jobson (New Delhi reprint, 1994), 926Google Scholar (s.v. tobacco), quoting an anonymous, but probably the same, author (“Although Tobacco be the produce of an European Plant, it has nevertheless been in use by our Physicians medicinally for some time past”). Isaac Adams, Persia by a Persian (n.p., 1900), 133, relates an old story about the discovery of tobacco in an unnamed location in Asia. “It is frequently mentioned in their old legends and songs, showing that while America claims the honor (?) of its introduction into civilized life, yet this noxious weed was known and used in Persia long before the discovery of America and the days of Sir Walter Raleigh.” Unfortunately, Adams did not reproduce any of these songs.

10. de Vries, Jan, Nederlands Etymologisch Woordenboek (Leiden, 1971), 719Google Scholar (s.v. tabak).

11. Bastiaensen, Michel, ed., Souvenirs de la Perse safavide et autres lieux de l'Orient (1664-1678) (Brussels, 1985), 102–105.Google Scholar A similar ban existed in the Ottoman and Moghul Empires. Kritzeck, Anthology, 327-28; Hobson-Jobson, 926 (s.v. tobacco).

12. al-Din Munajjim, Mulla Jalal, Rūznāmeh-yi ^ᶜAbbāsī yā Rūznāmeh-yi Mullā Jalāl, ed. Vahidniya, Sayfullah (Tehran: Vahid, 1366/1967), 439.Google Scholar

13. Olearius, Adam, Vermehrte newe Beschreibung der moscowitischen und persischen Reyse, ed. Lohmeier, D. (Schleswig, 1656 [Tübingen, 1971]), 645Google Scholar; Falsafi, Zindagānī, 2: 278-79.

14. Von Poser, Heinrich, Lebens- und Todes-Geschichte (Jehna, 1675)Google Scholar, unpaginated.

15. Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 104-105.

16. Herbert, Thomas, Travels in Persia, 1627-1629, ed. Foster, W. (New York, 1929), 203.Google Scholar

17. Chardin, Travels, 146; Falsafi, Zindagānī, 2: 278-279; Chardin, Voyages, 3: 306-307.

18. Tavernier, Voyages, 170, 18; Muhammad Ma^ᶜsum b. Khvajagi Isfahani, Khulāṣat al-Siyar, ed. Afshar, Iraj (Tehran n.d. [1992]), 39, 115.Google Scholar

19. Fryer, John, A New Account of East India and Persia Being Nine Years’ Travels, 1672-1681, 3 vols. (London, 1909-15), 3, 7.Google Scholar

20. Elgood, Safavid Medical Practice, 41.

21. Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 102-103.

22. Chardin, Travels, 146; Tavernier, Voyages, 283.

23. Ja^ᶜfar Rasuliyan, Ṣafavīyeh dar ^ᶜArṣa-i Dīn, Farhang va Siyāsat 3 vols. (Qum, 1379/2000), 3: 1141–53.Google Scholar I thank Dr. Rasuliyan for having made this publication available to me.

24. Kasravi, Ahmad, “Tārīkhcheh-yi chepoq va ghalyān,” in Dhoka, Yahya, ed. Karvand-i Kasravi: Majmū^ᶜa-i 28 Maqāla va Guftār-i Aḥmad-i Kasravi (Tehran, 1352/1973), 209Google Scholar; Rasuliyan, Ṣafavīyeh, 3: 1142-44; Mahbubi Ardakani, Husayn, Tārīkh-i Mu^˒assasāt Tamaddun- i Jadīd dar Īrān, 3 vols. (Tehran, 1368/1989), 1: 231–32Google Scholar; Chardin, Voyages, 3: 306. The fact that smoking was addictive and unhealthy was already clear to the second generation of smokers (Kritzeck, Anthology, 327-30; Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 102-103; Chardin, Travels, 145). It took the tobacco industry somewhat longer to grudgingly acknowledge this obvious fact.

25. Rasuliyan, Ṣafavīyeh, 3: 1144.

26. Majlisi, Muhammad Taqi, “Kitāb al-Mas^˒ūlāt,” Mīrā-i Islāmī-yi Īrān, 10 vols. (Qum, 1375/1996), 3: 698–99Google Scholar; also Rasuliyan, Ṣafavīyeh 3: 1144.

27. Polak, J. E., Persien, das Land und seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1865), 2: 259.Google Scholar When Moser, however, offered a high official of the Bukharan emir a cigarette, with which he seemingly was not acquainted, he accepted it and smoked it. Moser, Henri, A Travers l'Asie Central (Paris, 1885), 141.Google Scholar

28. Conolly, Arthur, Journey to the North of India. 2 vols. (London, 1834), 1: 189.Google Scholar

29. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 212.

30. Rice, Clara, Persian Women and Their Ways (Tehran, 1976), 233.Google Scholar The revenues of the village of Shahabad-Sufla had been allocated by its owner for the consumption of tobacco and coffee by those who came to pay their respects at his ancestors’ tombs. In the village of Vashnaveh a similar arrangement existed for the tomb of Nasir al-Din Shah's mother. al-Mulk, Afzal, Tārīkh va Jughrāfiyā-yi Qum, ed. Husayn Mudarris Tabataba^˒i (Qum, 1396/1976), 199, 233.Google Scholar

31. Wilson, S. G., Persian Life and Customs (New York, 1895) 253.Google Scholar

32. Bastani-yi Parizi, Muhammad Ibrahim, Farmānfarmā-yi ^ᶜĀlam, 2nd edition (Tehran, 1367/1988), 497Google Scholar, note.

33. de Thevenot, J., The Travels of M. de Thevenot into the Levant (London, 1686 [Westmead., 1971]), 2: 90.Google Scholar This observation is also confirmed by other contemporary authors such as Chardin, Voyages, 306; Herbert, Travels, 261; Tavernier, Voyage, 170, 283; Kaempfer, Engelbert, Am Hofe des persischen Grosskönigs (1684-85). Das erste Buch der Amoenitates exoticae in deutscher Bearbeitung, ed. Hinz, Walter. (Leipzig, 1940), 41Google Scholar; Fryer, A New Account, 2: 210; 3, 34; Hanway, Jonas, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea, 4 vols. in 3 (London:, 1753), 1:171.Google Scholar

34. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 205; Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 18 (with a picture of such boxes kept in the Ethnological Museum of Tehran); Mirza, Sultan Ahmad, Tārīkh-i ^ᶜAżudī, ed. ^ᶜAbd al-Husayn Nava^˒i (Tehran, 1367/1968), 67Google Scholar (initially the royal Qajar harem women used Turkoman women for this task), 104 (inside the royal harem a female servant was in charge of the royal water pipe); Kaempfer, Am Hofe, 48; Le Bruyn, Cornelius, Travels into Moscovy, Persia and Part of the East-Indies, 2 vols. (London, 1737), 2Google Scholar: plate 111 for a drawing of a qalyāndār with all his implements.

35. Chardin, Travels, 146.

36. von Kotzebue, Moritz, Narrative of a Journey into Persia in the year 1817 (Philadelphia, 1820) 142–43.Google Scholar

37. Ballantine, Henry, Midnight Marches through Persia (Boston and New York, 1879), 137Google Scholar; Polak, Persien, 2: 258; see picture in Louis Dubeux, La Perse (Paris, 1841), plate 79.

38. Morier, James, A Journey Through Persia, Armenia, and Asia Minor … in the Years 1808 and 1809 (London, 1812), 70Google Scholar (see engraving opposite page 70); Mitford, Edward Ledwich, A Land March from England to Ceylon Forty Years Ago, 2 vols. (London, 1884), 2: 59Google Scholar; Serena, C., Homines et Choses en Perse (Paris, 1883), 60, 67.Google Scholar

39. Tahvildar, Mirza Husayn Khan, Jughrāfiyā-yi Iṣfahān, ed. Sutudeh, M. (Tehran, 1342/1963), 120Google Scholar (q.v. qalyānfurūsh).

40. O'Donovan, Edmond, The Merv Oasis 2 vols. (London, 1882), 1: 489Google Scholar; Mitford, A Land March, 2: 45; Dr. Feuvrier, Trois Ans à la Cour de la Perse (Paris, n.d.), 341 (for an itinerant qalyānfurūsh). For a contemporary picture of an itinerant water pipe provider, see Friedrich Rosen, Persien (Berlin, 1926), 88; for a 19th century drawing see Āyandeh 19 (1372/1993): 584.

41. Rice, Persian Women, 189, 215.

42. Feuvrier, Trois Ans, 322, 339.

43. Höltzer, Ernst, Persien vor 113 Jahren, ed. Muhammad ^ᶜAsimi (Tehran, 2525/1977), 63Google Scholar; Mitford, A Land March, 2: 42 (“The smoking in Persia is incessant, and caused constant delay in traveling.”)

44. Dunlop, H., Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der Oostindische Compagnie in Perzië (The Hague, 1930), 18, 35Google Scholar, 176, 197, 234-35, 247, 265, 277, 282, 362, 470, 472-75, 529, 537, 542, 574, 610, 615, 617, 633, 652.

45. Falsafi, Zindagānī, 2: 227.

46. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597, 699.

47. Chardin, Voyages, 3: 301; Thevenot, Voyage, 2: 150; Fryer, East India, 2: 228; Kaempfer, Am Hofe, 95 (Ma^˒n, a village near Isfahan, was known as the tobacco village); Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 104-105; Gaube, H. and Wirth, E., Der Bazar von Isfahan (Wiesbaden, 1978), 276.Google Scholar

48. Chardin, Travels, 143; Idem, Voyages, 3: 302.

49. Millspaugh, A. C., The American Task in Persia (New York, 1925 [reprint New York, 1973]), 262Google Scholar; Rabino, H. L. and Lafont, F., “Culture du tabac en Guilan (Perse),” Revue du Monde Musulman 23 (1913): 194.Google Scholar For a detailed discussion of tobacco cultivation in Qajar Iran see Floor, Willem, Agriculture in Qajar Iran (Washington, DC, 2003).Google Scholar

50. Government of Great Britain, Correspondence respecting the Persian Tobacco Concession (Persia no. 1 1892), (London, 1892), 59–60.Google Scholar The “tabacco” mentioned in the table refers to cigarette tobacco and “toutoun” refers to pipe tobacco.

51. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 208.

52. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 212.

53. Olearius, Vermehrte, 598.

54. Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Semsar, “L'apparition,” 92 (fig. 14); Idem, “Naẓarī,” 25; Ja^ᶜfar Shahri, Tārīkh-i Ijtimā^ᶜī-yi Tihrān dar Qarn-i Sīzdahhum 6 vols. (Tehran, 1368/1990), 2: 300, 305–306Google Scholar (a description of pipes used by lūṭīs and their manner of preparing the pipe [chāq kardan]).

55. Shahri, Tārīkh, 2, 300-303 (or other more expensive woods such as anbus, kaykum, and kahur that I have not been able to identify). In 1922, there were still five sarchepoqsāzī shops in Tehran, in which there were five masters (ustāds) and seven workers (kārgar). The number of shops selling tobacco (tūtūnforush) was 104, which were operated by 97 masters, 118 workers and 25 boys (padu). Mas^ᶜud Kayhan, Jughrāfiyā-yi mufaṣṣal-i Iran 3 vols. (Tehran, 1311/1932), 3: 328Google Scholar; deBode, C. A., Travels in Luristan, 2: 90Google Scholar; Southgate, H. A., A Tour through Armenia and Mesopotamia, 2vols. (New York, 1840), 2, 12Google Scholar; Amanat, Abbas, ed., Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy and Society of Iran, 1847-1866 (London, 1983), 115Google Scholar; Lovett, B., “Surveys on the Road from Shiraz to Bam,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (JRGS) 42 (1872): 203Google Scholar (In the hills of Khvajeh Mali there were extensive forests of wild cherry-trees, “the wood of which forms a staple article of commerce.”); Schlimmer, Joh. L., Terminologie Medico-Pharmaceutique: Francaise-Persane (Tehran, 1874 [reprint Tehran, 1970]), 120Google Scholar; Schindler, A. H., “Reisen im südlichen Persien 1879,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 16 (1881): 363Google Scholar (Kirman).

56. I^ᶜtisam al-Mulk, Safarnameh-yi Mirza Khanlar Khan I^ᶜtisam al-Molk. ed. Mahmudi, Manuchehr (Tehran, 1351/1972), 84.Google Scholar

57. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, ed. Husaynquli Khan-Shaqaqi (Tehran, 1353/1974), 152, for example, reported that Mirza Sa^ᶜid Khan Ansari, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, smoked a chepoq at times.

58. Floyer, E. A., The Unexplored Baluchistan, (London, 1882 [reprint Quetta, 1979]), 427Google Scholar; Shahri, Tārīkh, 2: 309.

59. Millspaugh, The American Task, 262; Rabino and Lafont, “Culture du tabac,” 194.

60. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1, 157.

61. Wills, C. J., In the Land of the Lion and Sun, 2nd Ed. (Lonon, 1893), 32Google Scholar (underlining in the original).

62. de Lorey, Eustache and Sladen, Douglas. The Moon of the Fourteenth Night (London, 1910), 160.Google Scholar

63. Isaac Adams, Persia by a Persian (n.p., 1900), 133.

64. Cecil Edwards, A., A Persian Caravan (London, 1930), 130.Google Scholar

65. Aitchison, J. E. T., “Notes on the products of Western Afghanistan and of Northeastern Persia,” Transactions of the Botanical Society (Edinburgh) 18 (1890): 39Google Scholar; Hobson-Jobson, 195 (s.v. chillum); Lughatnāmeh-yi Dihkhudā, s.v. qalyān.

66. Elgood, Safavid Medical Practice, 41; Dāyira-i al-Ma^ᶜārif-i Buzurg-i Islāmī, 6: 106-108, s.v. “Abu'l-Fath Gilani.”

67. Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 104-105.

68. Malcolm, Napier, Five Years in a Persian Town (London, 1905), 25.Google Scholar Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 116 mentions that the haberdashers (kharrāzīfurūshān) in Isfahan sold the pipe head and middle part of the water pipe as separate items.

69. Küss, W., Handelsratgeber für Persien (Berlin, 1911), 156.Google Scholar It was already considered old-fashioned in 1880, (see Wills, In the Land, 30) and by 1890 seldom used. Höltzer, Persien, 63. However, around 1800 the water pipe with flexible tube was much in use, see, for example, Olivier, G. A., Voyage dans l'Empire Othoman, l'Egypte et la Perse. 6 vols. (Paris 1802-07), 5: 273Google Scholar and Drouville, Gaspard, Voyage en Perse pendant les années 1812 et 1813. 2 vols. (Paris, 1819 [reprint Tehran, 1976), 1: 81.Google Scholar For the eighteenth century, see e.g. Hanway, Jonas, An historical account of the British trade over the Caspian Sea. 4 vols. in 3 (London, 1753), 1: 171.Google Scholar

70. Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Crawshay Williams, E., Across Persia (London, 1907), 107Google Scholar; Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273.

71. de Hell, Xavier Hommaire, Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, 4 vols. (Paris,1854–60), 2: 15.Google Scholar

72. Höltzer, Persien, 63.

73. Pottinger, H., Travels in Baluchistan and Sind (London, 1816), 210.Google Scholar

74. Chardin, Travels, 145, where there is also a picture of the water pipe with a long wooden cane. See also Tavernier, Voyages, 283.

75. Muhammad Hashem Asaf, (Rustam al-Hukama), Rustam al-Tavārīkh, ed. Muhammad Moshiri (Tehran, 1348/1969), 101.

76. Lafont, F. D., and Rabino, H. L., “Culture de la gourde a ghalian en Guilan et en Mazanderan (Perse), Revue du Monde Musulman 28 (1914): 233.Google Scholar

77. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 19.

78. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 389; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Semsar, “Naẓarī, 22.

79. Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Williams, Across, 107.

80. The term shīsheh also refers to the water pipe as a whole, in particular in the Middle East and parts of N. Africa (Egypt, Tunisia).

81. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Olearius, Vermehrte, 597; Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 105 (q.v. shīshehgar); Höltzer, Persien, 64; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; de Lorey, Eustace, and Sladen, Douglas. Queer Things About Persia (Philadelphia and London, 1907), 79Google Scholar; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156. According to Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584 the water reservoir should always be of crystal (balawr). According to Chardin, in the 1660-70s, “These Bottles are commonly fill'd with Flowers to give Pleasure to the Eye.” Chardin, Travels, 145.

82. Waring, Edward Scott, A Tour to Sheeraz. (London, 1807 [1976]), 8.Google Scholar

83. Semsar, “Naẓarī, 19; Polak, Persien, 2, 258; Arnold, Through Persia, 133; Olearius, Vermehrte, 597-98.

84. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; de Lorey and Sladen. Queer Things, 79; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156.

85. For a printed version see Canby, Sheila R., Persian Masters: Five Centuries of Painting (Bombay, 1990), 82, pl. 15..Google Scholar

86. Sykes, Ella C., Persia and its People. (New York, 1910), 79Google Scholar; for pictures see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 22.

87. Sykes, Ella C., Through Persia on a Side-Saddle (Philadelphia, 1898), 118.Google Scholar

88. Wills, C. J., Behind an Eastern Veil (Edinburgh, 1894), 313.Google Scholar

89. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Arnold, A., Through Persia by Caravan (New York, 1877), 133Google Scholar; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79; Merian C. Cooper, Grass (New York, 1925), 168, for a picture see 192 (“The water pipe, with a metal point which rests easily on the ground.”); Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 21 (for pictures).

90. Rawlinson, Major H. C., “Notes on a March from Zohab…to Khuzistan,” JGRS 9 (1839): 66Google Scholar; Ussher, John, A Journey from London to Persepolis (London, 1865), 512.Google Scholar The “Indian nut” mentioned by Olearius probably is a coconut, thus providing early evidence of the use of this fruit as a reservoir. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597.

91. For a description see Radde, Gustav, Reisen an der Persisch-Russischen Grenze. Talysch und seine Bewohner (Leipzig, 1886), 371–373Google Scholar (with pictures on 371 and 378). In 1637, Olearius already mentioned the use of the gourd, called qabaq, as a reservoir for the water pipe. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597.

92. Goldsmid, Sir Frederic J., Eastern Persia, An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission 1870-71-72, 2 vols. (London, 1876), 1: 128.Google Scholar

93. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 197.

94. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Williams, Across, 107; Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273; Binning, R. B. M., A Journal of Two Years’ Travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc. 2 vols. (London, 1857) 2: 177.Google Scholar

95. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Wilson, Persian Life, 253. According to Shahri, Tārīkh, 3, 584, the ‘head’ of a good water pipe had to be of half-baked earthenware. Potters made these using the wheel. Ibid., 2: 301-302.

96. Rawlinson, “March from Zohab to Khuzistan,” 66.

97. Stack, Edward, Six Months in Persia, 2 vols. (New York, 1882), 1: 202.Google Scholar

98. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79; I^ᶜtisam al-Mulk, Safarnāmeh, 104.

99. Lafont and Rabino, “Culture de la gourde,” 234 where a drawing of the chalvāreh will be found.

100. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156.

101. Wills, In the Land, 31, note; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79. In 1723, the Dutch Agent at Isfahan received such a gold and gem-incrusted water pipe from Mahmud Khan, the then ruler of much of Persia, the value of which was estimated at 1,000 maḥmūdis. Floor, Willem, The Afghan Occupation of Safavid Persia 1721-1729 (Paris, 1998), 186.Google Scholar Around 1812, Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82, estimated the value of some of these valuable water pipes at 100-150 tumans. For pictures see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 23-24. There were artists (naqqāshān) who specialized in decorating these pipe heads. See e.g. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 196.

102. ^ᶜAbd Allah Mustawfi,. Sharh-i Zindagānī-yi Man 3 vols. (Tehran, n.d.), 1: 404; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82; Ouseley, William, Travels in Various Countries of the East; More Particularly Persia, 3 vols. (London, 1891-93), 3: 135Google Scholar; Hommaire de Hell, Voyage, 2: 181; I^ᶜtimad al-Saltana, Rūznāmeh-yi Khāṭirāt, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran, 1345/1966), 305; Mahdiquli Hidayat, Khāṭirāt va Khaṭarāt (Tehran 1344/1965), 89. This qalyān-i salām or ceremonial water pipe is kept among what was formerly known as the crown jewels. For a picture see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 20 (pl. 7); Serena, Hommes et Choses, 119, 122, 237.

103. Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 97, 106, 109; Mustawfi, Zindagānī, 1: 404 (sar-qalyānha-yi Esfahani). On the turner's craft see further Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 69-72 (a top quality water pipe made of excellent wood and with carving, including the miyāneh, nay, and mīlab, cost thirty shahis to two qrans. A middle quality one cost up to one qirān). Around 1890, there were ten sarqalyān-sāzān and four naypīch-sāzān in Isfahan. Höltzer, Persien, 22. In 1920, there ten naypīch-sāzān in Isfahan, but no sarqalyān-sāzān were reported anymore. Sayyid ^ᶜAli Janab, Kitāb al-Iṣfahān, (Isfahan, 1303/1924), 79.

104. Anonymous, “A Brief Account of the Province of Fars,” Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society 17 (1865): 184.Google Scholar

105. Williams, Across, 106-07; Drouville, Voyage, 1, 80; Höltzer, Persien, 64; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 80. There also was a female qalyānchi in the harem of rich individuals. Serena, Hommes et Choses, 70.

106. Mitford, A Land March, 2, 42.

107. Mustawfi, Zindagānī, 1, 404.

108. Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 583-84 (he also reported that there were only two tobacco wholesalers in Tehran at that time, one of whom also retailed tobacco).

109. “For use in the water pipe tobacco was sifted to get rid of stems and other high nicotine parts, which moreover gave a burning smell. These inferior parts were sold as tobacco to the poorer classes.” Polak, Persien, 2: 258-59.

110. Hanway, An Historical Account, 1: 171 observed the “glass vessel resembling a decanter, and filled with three parts of water.”

111. Williams, Across, 107-108; de Lorey, and Sladen,. Queer Things, 79-80; Höltzer, Persien, 64. According to Wills, In the Land, 30, note.

112. Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584.

113. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 213.

114. Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82.

115. Binning, A Journal, 2: 177–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar (an aftābeh is a kind of pitcher); Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82 and plate 18 (The servant kept the water pipe in his right hand and with his left he controlled his own horse, riding behind his master).

116. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 404. The wire basket contraption was known as ātish gardan or tulama. “The servant in Persia who has charge of his master's calioon always carries with him, on a journey, a small iron pot full of fire, in readiness for the calioon when required.” Rich, Claude James, Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan … and of a visit to Shirauz and Persepolis, 2 vols. (London, 1836), 204Google Scholar, note. Eastwick, Edward B., Journal of a Diplomate's Three Years’ Residence in Persia. 2 vols. (London 1864 [Tehran 1976]) 2: 191Google Scholar, described it as a chafing dish with burning charcoal for lighting pipes carried under the horse's belly; Conolly, Journey, 1: 228; Anonymous [Malcolm, John], Sketches of Persia from the Journals of a Traveler in the East, 2 vols. (London, 1828), 1: 206Google Scholar; Höltzer, Persien, 64; Savage Landor, H., Across Coveted Lands, 2 vols. (New York, 1903) 1: 258.Google Scholar

117. Arnold, Through Persia, 133.

118. Morier, A Journey, 286. Fath ^ᶜAli Shah made an exception for his son Muhammadquli Mirza Mulk-ara, who was allowed to smoke in his presence, but only inside the palace when the other princes were not present, or when riding, accompanying the royal suite. After the shah had smoked he sent him a smoke as well, but the other princes did not have this right. Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Tārīkh-i ^ᶜAżudī, 142, For a contemporary picture of Fath ^ᶜAli Shah and Karim Khan Zand smoking the water pipe see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 19 (pl. 5), 20 (pl. 6).

119. Polak, Persien, 2: 258.

120. Morier, Journey, 13; Wills, In the Land, 29; Baker, Clouds, 187; Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Höltzer, Persien, 64; Le Messurier, A., From London to Bokhara and A Ride Through Persia (London, 1889), 234Google Scholar; Rice, Clara, Persian Women and Their Ways, (London: Seeley, Service and Co, 1923). 185.Google Scholar

121. Eastwick, Journal, 1: 260.Google Scholar

122. Höltzer, Persien, 64; Serena, Hommes et Choses, 67.

123. Baker, Clouds, 187; Wills, In the Land, 30-31.

124. de Lorey and Sladen. Queer Things, 80; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 81.

125. Drouville, Voyage, 1: 81.

126. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 2: 20; see also Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584; de Lorey and Sladen. The Moon, 230.

127. Wills, In the Land, 29, 31; Baker, Clouds, 186; de Panisse, Comte, La Russie, la Perse, l'Inde - souvenirs de voyage 1865-1866 (Paris, 1867), 115.Google Scholar

128. Wills, In the Land, 30-32; also paraphrased in Isabella Bird, (Mrs. Bishop). Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, 2 vols. (London, 1891 [reprint London, 1988]), 1: 107–109.Google Scholar

129. Bastani-yi Parizi, Farmānfarmā-yi ^ᶜĀlam, 497, note.

130. Williams, Across, 107.

131. Höltzer, Persien, 64; Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273.

132. Polak, Persien, 2: 259; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82. According to Tavernier, Voyages, 284, the purpose of smoking was dimāgh, a term expressing the same intoxication. The same effect was described by ^ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviya (Tehran, 1371/1992), 275.

133. Rice, Persian Women, 215.

134. Wills, In the Land, 33.

135. Feilberg, C. G., Les Papis (Copenhagen, 1952), 103.Google Scholar

136. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 2: 440.

137. Conolly, Journey, 1: 74.

138. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 80-81.

139. Gmelin, S. G., Reise durch Russland, 4 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1774), 4, 63Google Scholar and plate 8.

140. Loftus, William Kennett, Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana (London, 1857), 389.Google Scholar

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142. Mitford, A Land March, 2: 42.

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144. Mirza Hasan Khan I^ᶜtimad al-Saltana, Mir^˒at al-Buldān, 4 vols. ed. ^ᶜAbd al-Husayn Nava^˒i and Mir Hashim Muhaddi (Tehran 1367/1988), 1: 562-63.

145. I^ᶜtimad al-Saltana, Kitāb al-Āār va'l-Ma^˒āir, 2nd edition, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran, 1363/1984), 170 (bargi va kaghadhi dar tamam-i bilad-i Iran); see also 154 (tūtūn-i sigar). Before the 1870s, members of the educated elite were, of course, familiar with cigarettes through their travels in Europe as well as their involvement with foreigners in Iran. See e.g. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 111 (he even used the term sigaret).

146. Government of Great Britain, Diplomatic and Consular Reports (DCR) 1189 (Report on the Trade and Commerce of Ghilan for the Year 1891), 5; Le Messurier, From Bokhara, 219.

147. DCR 1953 (Isfahan 1897-99), 7.

148. de Windt, Harry, A Ride to India across Persia and Baluchistan (London, 1891), 46.Google Scholar

149. DCR 3728, (Report for the Year ending February 20, 1906 on the Trade of the provinces of Sistan and Kain) (London, 1906), 7. For a picture of Persian cigarette packets around 1891 see de Vilmorin, Auguste Lacoin, De Paris à Bombay par la Perse (Paris, 1895), 97.Google Scholar Cigarette smoking remained popular in Sistan. F. Hale, From Persian Uplands (London, n.d.), 71, 108.

150. MacLean, H. W., Report on the Conditions and Prospects of British trade in Persia (London, 1904), 48.Google Scholar

151. Merritt-Hawkes, A. O.. Persia: Romance and Reality (London, 1935), 20, 109, 116, 124.Google Scholar

152. Soane, Ely Bannister, To Mesopotamia and Kurdistan in Disguise (London, 1912; reprint Amsterdam, 1979), 52–53.Google Scholar For some of the complaints about rolling a cigarette in urban Tehran at that time see Shahri, Tārīkh, 3:469-71.

153. Hay, W. R., Two Years in Kurdistan. Experiences of a Political Officer 1918-1920 (London, 1921), 50.Google Scholar

154. Afzal al-Mulk, Tārīkh va Jughrāfiyā, 240.

155. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 214. See also Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 472 for some social connotations of cigarette and pipe smoking during this period of transition.

156. Salur, Qahraman Mirza, Rūznāmeh-yi Khāṭirāt-i ^ᶜAyn al-Saltana. 10 vols. ed. Mas^ᶜud Salur and Afshar, Iraj (Tehran, 1376/1997) 1: 123Google Scholar (Cigarette paper in Lar, near Tehran, cost 100 dīnārs, while in Tehran only 1 pūl or 25 dīnārs), 268, 342, 422, 446, 451, 565.

157. Wilson, Persian Life, 253.

158. Grothe, Hugo, Wanderungen in Persien (Berlin, 1910), 215.Google Scholar The shah's entourage still included a water pipe bearer, however. See de Lorey and Sladen, The Moon, 219. In Tabriz at that time cigarettes were also common. James, Lionel, Side-Tracks and Bridle-Paths (Edinburgh, 1909), 41–42, 76.Google Scholar ^ᶜAla al-Mulk, Safarnāmeh-yi Balūchīstān, ed. Sayfullah Vahidniya (Tehran 1364/1985), 61 (He smoked cigarettes with British officers in Makran), 74 (and the water pipe with his colleagues).

159. de Lorey and Sladen, The Moon, 160.

160. Williams Jackson, A.V., From Constantinople to the Home of Omar Khayyam (New York, 1911), 89Google Scholar; Moore, Benjamin Burges, From Moscow to the Persian Gulf (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1915). 109.Google Scholar The water pipe was, however, also smoked at the same time, not only during this visit, but in towns and in the rural areas along the Isfahan-Shiraz road; Moore, From Moscow, 110, 283, 339, 364, 392, 403.

161. Ja^ᶜfar Shahri, Tihrān-i Qadīm, 5 vols. (Tehran, 1377/1999), 1: 448–51.Google Scholar Cigarettes were sold in boxes containing 50 cigarettes. Merritt-Hawkes, Persia, 307.

162. Janab, Kitāb al-Iṣfahān, 78.

163. Keyvan, Jughrāfiyā, 3: 332.

164. Afshar, Iraj, ed., Kulliyāt-i Āār-i Adīb Qāsimī-yi Adīb (Tehran, 1372/1993), 42, 70, 129.Google Scholar

165. Shahri, Tihrān-i Qadīm, 4: 460. For a rather peculiar meaning of the term sīgārkashī see ibid., 3: 408.

166. Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 26 (with pictures).

167. Hale, From Persian Uplands, 71.

168. Amory, Copley Jr. Persian Days (Boston and New York, 1929), 89.Google Scholar

169. Merritt-Hawkes, Persia, 216.

170. Rice, Persian Women, 45.

171. Bellew, H. W., From Indus to the Tigris (London, 1874 [reprint Lahore, 1999]), 449Google Scholar; Hale, From Persian Uplands, 109.

172. Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan, 50.

173. Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273, however, states that the use of tobacco in powder form was hardly known in the parts of Persia that he traversed.

174. Adams, Persia, 133.

175. Landor, Across, 2: 181.

176. Italconsult (for the Plan Organization), Socio-economic Development Plan for the Southeast Region, 5 vols. (Rome, 1970), 4: 212.Google Scholar

177. Polak, Persien, 2: 259-60 (the incidence of catarrhs was two times higher in the ‘industrial’ towns of Kashan and Isfahan than in Tehran).

178. Ross, F.E., ed., Central Asia, personal narrative 1823-41 (London, 1939), 151.Google Scholar

179. For some of the disadvantages of smoking according to popular lore see Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 585 (e.g. it could negatively affect the brain and heart and make the body thin and the skin dry).

180. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; ^ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviya, 275.

181. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402.

182. Ja^ᶜfar Shahri, Gūsheh^˒ī az Tārīkh-i Ijtimā^ᶜī-yi Tihrān-i Qadīm (Tehran, 1357/1978), 32.Google Scholar

183. Landor, Across, 2: 181.

184. Wills, In the Land, 15; Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 585; Chardin, Travels, 145.

185. Aitchison, “Notes,” 140; Wills, In the Land, 15. Nasir al-Din Shah also used snuff for the Sepahsalar gave the Shah a very exquisite bejeweled snuff-box. Government of Iran. Rūznāmeh-yi Dawlat-i ^ᶜAlīya-i Īrān, 2 vols. 2nd ed. (Tehran, 1370/1991), 1: 564Google Scholar (Dhu'l-Hijjah 1279/1863), 2: 812 (Jumada I 1282).

186. Polak, Persien, 2, 258-59.

187. Shahri, Tārīkh, 3, 585; for other details see also ^ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviyah, 275-76.

188. Kritzeck, Anthology, 328. It is ironic that Hajji Khalifa died while enjoying a cup of coffee, another substance that initially had been banned, because it too had been considered ungodly by the same misguided people who had banned tobacco; both addictive substances turned out to be divine after all.