^{page 283 note 1} Lütge, Friedrich, Deutsche Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Ein Überblick (Berlin, 1952). Pp. 229–233.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 283 note 2} That the decline began before the Thirty Years' War is demonstrated by Rabb, Theodore K., “The Effects of the Thirty Years' War on the German Economy”, in: The Journal of Modern History, XXXIV (1962), pp. 40–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 283 note 3} Treue, Wilhelm, “Die Wirtschaft und der Dreissigjährige Krieg”, in: Bruno Gebhardt, Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte, ed. Grundmann, Herbert (Stuttgart, revised ed. 1955), n, pp. 412–436.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 1} Cf. Seigel, Rudolf, Gericht und Rat in Tübingen. Von den Anfängen bis zur Einführung der Gemeindeverfassung 1818–1822, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission f¨r Geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württernberg, Reihe B Forschungen, Bd. 13 (Stuttgart, 1960), pp. 51ffGoogle Scholar. who analyzes the wealth of Tübingen's patrician magistrates and councillors from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries.

^{page 284 note 2} Balet, Leo, Die Verbürgerlichung der Deutschen Kunst, Literatur und Musik im 18. Jahrhundert (Strassburg, 1936)Google Scholar; Brüggemann, Fritz, “Der Kampf urn die bürgerliche Welt- und Lebensanschauung in der dcutschcn Literatur des 18. Jahrhunderts”, in: Deutsche Vierteljahreschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte, III (pp. 94–227Google Scholar; Meinecke, Friedrich, Die Entstehung des Historismus (Munich, 1936), p. 326Google Scholar; Bruford, Walter Horace, Germany in the Eighteenth Century: The Social Background of the Literary Revival (Cambridge, England, 1939)Google Scholar; and cf. idem, Culture and Society in Classical Weimar 1775–1806 (Cambridge, England, 1962).

^{page 284 note 3} Lütge, , pp. 302–303.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 4} Gerth, Hans, Die Sozialgeschichtliche Lage der bürgerlichen Intelligenz urn die Wende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Diss. Frankfurt am Main, 1935), pp. 14, 16, and 17ff.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 5} Droz, Jacques, Les Révolutions Allemandes de 1848 (Paris, 1957), p. 270.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 1} Barber, Bernard, Secial Stratification. A Comparative Analysis of Structure and Process (New York, 1957), p. 356.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 2} Gradmann, Robert, “Schwäbische Städte”, in: Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin (1916), p. 432.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 1} Cf. ibid., p. 442, who describes such a town as it existed in the nineteenth century before it was affected by the industrial revolution, and when its society was still like that of the eighteenth century.

^{page 286 note 2} See p. 292, note 1.

^{page 286 note 3} Franz, Günther, Der Deutsche Bauernkrieg (Darmstadt, 5 ed., 1958), pp. 1–91Google Scholar; cf. Die Frühbürgerliche Revolution in Deutschland. Referat und Diskussion zum Thema: Probleme der frühbürgerlichen Revolution in Deutschland, 1476–1535, ed. Brendler, Gerhard (Berlin, 1962).Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 4} Hamilton, Earl J., American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain (1501–1650) (Cambridge, Mass., 1934)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “American Treasure and the Rise of Capitalism, 1500–1700”, in: Economica, IX (1929), pp. 338–357Google Scholar; Lane, Frederick C., “The Mediterranean Spice Trade”, in: American Historical Review, XLV (1940), pp. 581–590CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Oceanic Expansion in the Creation of Oceanic Commerce”, in: The Tasks of Economic History, Supplement X (1950), pp. 19–31Google Scholar; Tyler, Royall, The Emperor Charles the Fifth (Fairlawn, N.J., 1956).Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 1} A general summary of the economic, social, and political changes involved in the Dutch Revolt may be found in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, ed. van Houtte, J.A. et al. , vols. V–VI (Utrecht, 1952 ff.).Google Scholar

^{page 288 note 1} Schröder, Karl Heinz, Weinbau und Siedlung in Württemberg, Forschungen zur deutschen Landesgeschichte, vol. 73 (Remagen, 1953), pp. 50–67Google Scholar. The significance of the declining wine production is reflected in the trade turnover for wines of the town of Esslingen, the chief producing town of Swabia. Its greatest turnover occurred before the Peasants' War when in the period 1501–1510 2,337 Fuder wine were traded. By 1611–1620 a considerable decline had already set in and only 651 Fuder were traded. In spite of some recovery by the eighteenth century, the greatest trade turnover during 1731–1740 only reached 928 Fuder. The low was 341 Fuder tot 1791–1800. See Salzmann, Erwin, Weinbau und Weinhandel in der Reichsstadt Esslingen bis zu deren Übergang an Württemberg 1802, Tübinger Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, ed. Fuchs, Carl et al. , V (Stuttgart, 1930), p. 170.Google Scholar

^{page 288 note 2} Salzmann, , pp. 178 ffGoogle Scholar;., 186 ff., 191 ff.; cf. von Rauch, Moriz, “Salz und Weinhandel zwischen Bayern und Württemberg im 18. Jahrhundert”, in: Württembergische Viertel-jahrshefte fur Landesgeschichte, N.F. XXXIII (1927), pp. 208–250.Google Scholar

^{page 288 note 3} The histories of the free towns (viz., Esslingen, Reutlingen, Ulm, Hall, Heilbronn, Rottweil etc.) are described in Karl Eugen von Württemberg, Herzog und Zeit, seine, ed. Württembergischen Geschichts-und Altertums Verein, Heft 12–14 (Esslingen, 1909)Google Scholar. This work hereafter cited as KE.

^{page 288 note 4} Naujoks, Eberhard, “Latente Zunfttradition in den schwäbischen Reichsstädten”, in: Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XCIC (1962), p. 172Google Scholar; von Maurer, G.L., Geschichte der Städteverfassung in Deutschland (Erlangen, 1871), IV, p. 117.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 1} Each town was governed by a patrician council (Rat) which submitted legislative proposals to a citizen's assembly (Bürgerschaft). Most of the assemblies were fairly power less, but in times of economic crises they usually sought greater legislative power. The council would refuse to make concessions and rebellions would occur.

^{page 289 note 2} KE, pp. 285–367.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 3} “Römischer Kayserlicher Majestät Ordnung und Reformation guter Policey, im Heiligen Römischen Reich, zu Augsburg auffgericht, Nov. 19, 1530”, partly reprinted in Proessler, Hans, Das Gesamtdeutsche Handwerk im Spiegel der Reichsgesetzgebung von 1530 bis 1806, Nürnberger Abhandlungen zu den Wirtschafts-und Sozialwissenschaften, Heft 5 (Berlin, 1954), appendix, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 4} In smaller towns, groups two and three tended to merge. Cf. Seigel, Rudolf, Gericht und Rat in Tübingen. Von den Anfängen bus zur Einführung der Gemendeverfassung 1818–1822, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission der Kommission für Geschichtliche Landes-kunde in Baden-Württemberg, Reihe B Forschungen, Bd. 13 (Stuttgart, 1960), pp. 57 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 5} Hering, Robert, “Aus dem Frankfurt des jungen Goethe nach der Francofurtensammlung seines Vaters”, in: Jahrbuch des Freien Deutschen Hochstifts 1916–1925, p. 194.Google Scholar Although Hering describes Frankfurt society, his remarks also hold true for the free towns of Swabia.

^{page 290 note 1} Lange-Kothe, Irmgard, “Zur Sozialgeschichte des fürstlichen Rates in Wurttemberg im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert”, in: Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XXXIII (1940), pp. 237–267Google Scholar. Between 1450 and 1496 only 32% of the councillors in the Württemberg administration were bourgeois. After 1520, however, 69% were bourgeois. Most of these officials were descended from already ancient bourgeois families.

^{page 290 note 2} Bader, K. S., “Die Reichstädte des schwäbischen Kreises am Ende des alten Reiches”, in: Mitteilungen des Vereins für Kunst und Altertum in Ulm und Oberschwaben, XXXII (1951), pp. 49–70Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Bader, , “Reichstadte”).Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 3} Gothein, Eberhard, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes (Strassburg, 1892), pp. 283–308.Google Scholar

^{page 291 note 1} The Schultheiss was originally an official appointed to represent local lords in the towns which were under their authority. By the fifteenth century, however, the Schultheiss was replaced with a stronger official, one more responsible to the prince's authority – the Vogt. Since the free towns owed their allegiance only to the emperor they could retain an office with the old title of Schultheiss. In the princely territories the Vogt usually presided over the town magistrate which was composed of members of the town court and the town council. See Seigel, , pp. 14 ffGoogle Scholar. During the eighteenth century the Württemberg district officials adopted the title of Oberamtmann – like the old Vogt, a man who presided over the town government of the main town in the district, for the villages and smaller towns were governed through it.

^{page 291 note 2} Schell, Erwin, Die Reichsstädte beim Übergang an Baden, Heidelberger Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte, Heft 59 (Heidelberg, 1929), pp. 27–96Google Scholar surveys the town governments referred to above.

^{page 291 note 3} Ibid., pp. 149–165.

^{page 291 note 4} Ibid., pp. 103–176.

^{page 292 note 1} Herre, Franz, Das Augsburger Bürgertum im Zeitalter der Aufklärung, Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Augsburg, Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs Augsburg, Heft 6 (Augsburg, 1952), pp. 11–13.Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 2} Ibid., pp. 15–21. Cf. also the contemporary accounts by Ludwig Wekherlin (appeared anon.), Anselmus Rabiosus Reise durch Ober-Deutschland (Salzburg, Leipzig, 1778), pp. 37ffGoogle Scholar. who divided Augsburg's classes into 1) patricians, 2) merchants, and 3) masses (Pobel); and Johann Georg Keysslers, Reisen durch Deutschland, Boehmen, Ungarn, die Schweiz, Italien und Löthringen in welchem der Zustand und das Merkwürdigste dieser Länder beschrieben, und vermittelst der Natürlichen, Gelehrten und Politischen Geschichte der Mechanik, Muhlen-Bau und Bildhauerkunst, Münzen und Alterthiimer, wie auch mit verschiedenen Kupfern erläutert wird (Hanover, 1776), I, pp. 11 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 1} Herre, , pp. 23 ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. for Ulm, , Endriss, Julius, Die Ulmer Aufklärung, 1750–1810 (Ulm, 1942).Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 2} Zorn, Wolfgang, “Grundzüge der Augsburger Handelsgeschichte, 1648–1806”, in: Vierteljahreschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XLIII (1956), pp. 97–145Google Scholar, describes some of the leading businessmen and bankers as well as their place of origin.

^{page 293 note 3} Ibid., p. 123; Waitzfelder, Jacques, Der Augsburger Johann Heinrich von Schule, ein Pionier des Textilwirtschaft im 18. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1929)Google Scholar; Forrer, Robert, Die Kunst des Zeugdrucks vom Mittelalters bis zur Empirezeit (Strassburg, 1898), pp. 40–41Google Scholar. Before the Thirty Years' War there were about 3000 master weavers in Augsburg; after ward, only 5 00. Their numbers continued to decline, in spite of general economic recovery. In 1720 there were only 468. See Zorn, , pp. 101, 123.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 4} Zorn, , pp. 123–125, 130–136Google Scholar. It is interesting to compare the development of the cotton textile industry in Augsburg with that of Prussia. While Schüle alone employed 3500 workers, there were only 4503 cotton textile workers in the entire kingdom of Prussia during the mid-eighteenth century and afterwards, which was when cotton textiles were the most profitable of all the textile industries of Europe. Frederick the Great, who is always lauded for having encouraged industry, seems to have invested most of his efforts in promoting unsuccessful and costly luxery industries, e.g. the silk industry, which employed 5055 people. Older industries such as linen weaving (employing 22,500) and woolen weaving (employing 40,000), continued to prosper. Historians who have emphasized Frederick's support of industry, have not always considered his policies in the light of the general development of industry in other parts of Germany. The labor statistics for Prussian industry are from Koser, Reinhold, Geschichte Friedrich des Grossen (7 ed., Berlin, 1921), II, p. 401Google Scholar. The Prussian silk industry is exhaustively treated in Die Preussi-sche Seidenindustrie im 18. Jahrhundert und ihre Begründung durch Friedrich den Grossen, ed. von Hintze, Otto (3 vols., Berlin, 1892)Google Scholar. A recent East German work on Prussian industry is Horst Krüger, Zur Geschichte der Manufakturarbeiten in Preussen. Die mittleren Provinzen in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1958).

^{page 294 note 1} Cf. the many works on business enterprise in eighteenth century Hamburg: Maria Möhring, 1757–1957. 200 Jahre Johannes Schuback und Söhne Familie und Firma in Hamburg. Veröffentlichungen der Wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen und Forschungsstelle e.V. in Hamburg, Bd. 20 (Hamburg, 1957); Baasch, Ernst, “Die Führenden Kaufleute und ihre Stellung in der Hamburgischen Handelsgeschichte”, in: Hamburger Uebersee Jahrbuch, 1922Google Scholar; Hertz, Richard, Das Hamburger Seehandelshaus J.C.Godeffroy und Sohn 1766–1879, Veröffentlichung des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte, IV (Hamburg, 1905)Google Scholar; Ehrenberg, Richard, Das Haus Parish in Hamburg, Grosse Vermögen. Ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung, II (Jena, 1905)Google Scholar; Sieveking, Heinrich, Georg Heinrich Sieveking. Lebens-bild eines Hamburgischen Kaufmanns aus dem Zeitalter der französischen Revolution (Berlin, 1913).Google Scholar

^{page 294 note 2} Little information is available about the lives and activities of such men, but biographical sketches of eleven of this type were compiled and published by Meissner, S.G., Charakter-züge aus dem Leben edler Geschäftsmänner und berühmter Kaufleute. Zur Lehre und Nachahmung merkantilistischer Jugend (Leipzig, 1805).Google Scholar

^{page 294 note 3} Cf. Geering, Tr., “Die Entwicklung des Zeugdrucks im Abendland seit dem XVIII. Jahrhundert”, in: Vierteljahreschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, I (1903), pp. 397–432Google Scholar, describes the remarkable expansion of the cotton printing industry in Central Europe in the eighteenth century.

^{page 295 note 1} Cf. Grube, Walter, Der Stuttgarter Landtag, 1457–1957. Von den Landständen zum demokratischen Parlament (Stuttgart, 1957), pp. 67 ffGoogle Scholar; and Bader, K.S., “Johann Jakob Moser, Staatsrechtslehrer und Landschaftskonsulent, 1701–1785”, in: Lebensbilder aus Schwaben und Franken, ed. Miller, Max, und Uhland, Robert, Schwäbische Lebensbilder, VII (Stuttgart, 1960), p. 95Google Scholar, hereafter cited as Bader, “Moser”.

^{page 295 note 2} Cf. Bader, , “Moser”, p. 95.Google Scholar

^{page 295 note 3} The origin of this group is described in Decker-Hauff, Hansmartin, “Die Entstehung der altwürttembergischen Ehrbarkeit, 1250–1534”, (Unpublished doctoral diss., Vienna, 1946)Google Scholar, which was not available for consultation but was extensively cited by Seigel, , pp. 47 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 295 note 4} The Landschafts-Consulent was a legal consultant especially employed by the estates. Such councillors enjoyed the same high status as the salaried legal advisers of town councils, the syndics. All were doctors of law.

^{page 296 note 1} The history of the Small Committee is treated in great detail by Freiherr von Spittler, Ludwig, “Entwurf einer Geschichte des engeren Landschaftlichen Ausschusses (1796)”, Sämmtliche Werke, XIII (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1837), pp. 146 ffGoogle Scholar. See also Benzing, Fritz, “Die Vertretung von ‘Stadt und Amt’ im Altwürttembergischen Landtag unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Amts Nürtingen” (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Tübingen, 1924), pp. 1 ff.Google Scholar; Carsten, F.L., Princes and Parliaments in Germany, From the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1959), pp. 28 ff.Google Scholar; and cf. the anti-parliamentary account of Hölzle, Erwin, Das alte Recht und die Revolution. Eine politische Geschichte Württem-bergs in der Revolutionszeit 1789–1805 (Munich and Berlin, 1931), pp. 3–43.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 1} On the reign of Charles Eugene, see e.g., KE, passim; Stälin, Paul, “Karl Eugen”, in: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, XV, pp. 376 ff.Google Scholar; Carsten, , pp. 132 ff.Google Scholar; Weller, Karl, Württembergische Geschichte (Stuttgart, 4 ed., 1957), pp. 159 ff.Google Scholar; and cf. Bader, , “Moser”, p. 111Google Scholar, who obscures the constitutional issues, or lacks a clear conception of what the estates' grievance against the duke was. Bader argues that the duke “meant well” although he was convinced that he ruled by “divine right”.

^{page 297 note 2} Württemberg's “Magna Carta”. It was the product of several years of social and economic unrest characterized by the duke's need for the financial assistance of the town bourgeoisie, and the bourgeoisie's desire for an expansion of its rights. Both, however, favored the suppression of the peasantry which was also anxious to secure new rights. See Grube, , pp. 87 ff.Google Scholar; Carsten, , pp. 10 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 3} Cf. Seigel, , pp. 47 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 4} The generic term for the estates was Landscbaft; when it was in session it was called the Landtag.

^{page 297 note 5} Benzing, , pp. 148–150Google Scholar. For a description of the wealth and property-holdings of Tübin gen government officials, see Seigel, , pp. 51 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 6} Among the worst of the mayors was Georg Thomas Schoenleber, mayor of Ludwigsburg after 1754 and a member of the Small Committee. He became mayor by bribing the town magistrates and the Württemberg privy council with 3000 gulden. Later he also embezzled 23,000 gulden of the estates' funds. See Adam, Albert Eugen, Johann Jakob Moser als Württembergischer Landschaftskonsulent, 1751–1771 (Stuttgart, 1887), pp. 14–15Google Scholar. One of the best was Mayor Jakob Friedrich Duttenhofer (1697–1769) of Nürttingen. The son of a fulling mill operator, he had risen to the office of mayor by first serving as town notary. After 1737 he was also a regular delegate to the Landschaft, and in 1755 also became a member of the Small Committee. He was active in the Rebellion of 1763–1764 and was threatened with charges of lesé majesté by the duke. He argued that his loyalty to the oath he had taken to uphold the Württemberg constitution, came before his duty to obey his prince. See Benzing, , pp. 150–155.Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 1} Seigel, , p. 49.Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 2} Ferdinand August Wekherlin, Wirtemberg, Pietismus. Schreiber. Schulen. Und Er-ziehung und Aufklärung überhaupt (place of publication unknown, 1787), pp. 57 ff., 71–72Google Scholar. F. A. Wekherlin is not to be confused with Ludwig Wekherlin, the journalist. On the latter see: Gottfried Böhm, Ludwig Wekherlin (1739–1792). Ein Publizistenleben des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1893). The Schreiber are best satirized by Bernritter, Friedrich, Wirtembergische Briefe (Ulm, 1786), pp. 141 ffGoogle Scholar. Bernritter had himself been a Schreiber, but went on to achieve success as a satirist. See Meyer, Herbert, “Friedrich Bernritter. Ein Württembergischer Satiriker”, in: Zeitschrift für württembergische Landesgeschichte, N.F. III (1939), pp. 127–157.Google Scholar

^{page 299 note 1} Seidel, Emil, Politik und Literatur in Württemberg von der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zu Schillers Jugenddramen (Stuttgart, 1910), pp. 69 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 299 note 2} Württembergisches Staatsarchiv, Stuttgart. A 8 Kabinetts Akten, III, 1 Fasc. 64, item 73, Eberhard von Gemmingen's Gutachten of 1786.

^{page 299 note 3} In Württemberg the gilds were allowed regional headquarters in Stuttgart, Ludwigs-burg, and Tübingen. These main offices were called Hauptladen. District offices were called Viertel, and local offices were called Nebenladen. Some gilds elected their own wardens, but the custom varied. Often the duke's officials oppointed the local gild supervisors. Even the gild supervisors were socially distant from town magistrates and ducal officials. On the gilds see: Prof, (first name unknown) Schuez, , “Die altwürttembergische Gewerbeverfassung in den letzten drei Jahrhunderten”, in: Zeitschrift für die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, VI (1850), pp. 287 ffGoogle Scholar, and Hoffmann, Leo, Das württembergische Zunftwesen und die Politik der herzoglichen Regierung gegenüber den Zunften im 18. Jahrhundert (Tübingen, 1906).Google Scholar

^{page 300 note 1} Schuez, passim. Modern histories of territorial gild organization are badly needed.

^{page 300 note 2} DrTroeltsch, Walter., “Die Göppinger Zeugmacherei im 18. Jahrhundert und das sogenannte Vayhingerbuch”, in: Schmollers Jahrbuch, XX (1896), pp. 1255–1277Google Scholar, describes the way in which Vayhinger, Ernst Jakob (1729–1791)Google Scholar, a Göppingen Zeugmacher (maker of small cloths) amassed a moderate fortune. A well paid privy councillor earned between 1500 and 2000 gulden annually. There were few members of the town Ehrbarkeit who owned as much as Vayhinger. In Tübingen, e.g., the town's patrician families owned property valued at between 500 to 8000 gulden. See Seigel, , pp. 56–57.Google Scholar

^{page 301 note 1} On Württemberg agriculture during this period see: Knapp, Theodor, “Die Grundherrschaft in südwestlichen Deutschland vom Ausgang des Mittelalters bis zur Bauernbefreiung des 19. Jahrhunderts”, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. 22 Germ. Abteilung (1901), pp. 48–108Google Scholar; idem, Der Bauer im heutigen Württemberg nach seinen Rechtsverhältnissen vom 16. bis ins 19. Jahrhundert, , Württembergische Neujahrsblätter, N.F. 7 (Stuttgart, 1902)Google Scholar; idem, Neue Beiträge zur Rechts-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte des württembergischen Bauernstandes (Stuttgart, 2 vols., revised ed., 1919); idem, ”Leibeigene Bauern auf den württembergischen Landtagen”, in: Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, vol. 118 (1922), pp. 531–532Google Scholar; Stolz, Otto, “Die Bauernbefreiung in Süddeutschland im Zusammenhang der Geschichte”, in: Vierteljahrschrift für Sozialund Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XXX (1940), pp. 1–68Google Scholar; Ruoff, Friedrich, “Die ländliche Verfassung des Nordostens des Königreichs Wärttemberg im 18. Jahrhundert”, in: Württem bergische Jahrbücher für Statistik und Landeskunde (1909), pp. 192–255.Google Scholar

^{page 301 note 2} Such is the argument of Troeltsch, Calwer Zeughandlungskompagnie, passim. Because of the growing impoverishment, southwestern Germany proved to be the main source of emigration during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Farmers and craftsmen sold their goods and sought better fortunes in Russia, Pomerania, Poland, Hungary, the Balkans – even in Spain. Many also went to North America. See Büttner, Karl, Die Auswanderung aus Württemberg. Ein Beitrag zur Bevölkerungsgeographie Württembergs (Stuttgart, 1938).Google Scholar

^{page 302 note 1} Roesch, Lydia, Der Einfluss des Evangelischen Pfarrhauses auf die Literatur des 18. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1932)Google Scholar, and Schulz-Baesken, Rohtraut, Die Dichter des Göttinger Hains und die Bürgerlichkeit. Eine literatur-soziologische Studie (Königsberg, 1937)Google Scholar, have devoted monographs to the demonstration of this point. Cf. Seigel, , pp. 63ff.Google Scholar, who traces the large number of clerical ties in the families of the Tübingen magistrate.

^{page 302 note 2} Schultze, Johanna, Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Adel und Bürgertum in den deutschen Zeitschriften der letzten drei Jahrzehnte des 18. Jahrhunderts 1773–1806, Historische Studien, CLXIII (1925), pp. 116ff.Google Scholar

^{page 302 note 3} Gerth, , p. 17Google Scholar. Cf. Bussmann, Walter, “Zur Geschichte des Deutschen Liberalismus im 19. Jahrhundert”, in: Historische Zeitschrift, vol. 186 (1958), pp. 533–534CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who points out that most of the members of the Frankfurt parliament in 1848 were university-educated men and were mostly officials, judges, mayors, and clergymen by profession. 48 were university professors, there were no workers, and only 4 were craftsmen. The Prussian Assembly of 1848 also represented the intellectuals and jurists, but contained petty bourgeoisie, craftsmen, peasants, and low ranking officials as well as 2 workers.

^{page 303 note 1} Hasselhorn, Martin, Der altwürttembergische Pfarrstand im 18. Jahrhundert, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg, Reihe B, Forschungen, Bd. 6 (Stuttgart, 1958), pp. 24–25Google Scholar; Seigel, , pp. 49ff., 57ff.Google Scholar

^{page 303 note 2} Ibid., pp. 20, 19.

^{page 303 note 3} Ibid., pp. 3–4. In 1758 the salary range for 660 clerical posts was between 150 gulden to over 600 gulden. In 1793 the range for 638 posts was between 400 gulden to over 1200 gulden per annum.

^{page 303 note 4} Ibid., p. 31.

^{page 303 note 5} On Württemberg Pietism see: Hartmann, J., “Das religiöse Leben”, in: KE, I, pp. 361–377Google Scholar; Fritz, Friedrich, Altwürttembergische Pietisten (Stuttgart, 1950)Google Scholar; Kolb, D. Christian, Die Aufklärung in der Württembergischen Kirche (Stuttgart, 1908)Google Scholar; DrHoffman, C.., ”Aus einer altpietistischen Zirkularkorrespondenz”, in: Blätter für württembergische Kirchengeschichte, N.F. III (1899), and IV (1900), pp. 1ff. and 1ffGoogle Scholar. respectively; Wekherlin, F.A., pp. 15ff.Google Scholar

^{page 304 note 1} Haug, Balthasar, Versuch einer Beschreibung des wissenschaftlichen Zustandes von Württemberg in Verhältnis gegen Teutschland (Stuttgart, 1774), pp. 5ff.Google Scholar

^{page 304 note 2} Schmid, Eugen, “Geheimrat Georg Bernard Bilfinger (1695–1750)”, in: Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte, N.F. III (1939), pp. 370–422Google Scholar; HeinzLiebing, , Zwischen Orthodoxie und Aufklärung. Das philosophische und theologische Denken Georg Bernhard Bilfingers (Tübingen, 1961)Google Scholar. Bilfinger's rise was not without precedent. During the reign of Duke Frederick I (1593–1608), Dr. Matthäus Enzlin, a Tübingen professor, was chief councillor, and also an advocate of absolutism.

^{page 305 note 1} Bader, , “Moser”, pp. 96–99.Google Scholar

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^{page 305 note 3} On Moser see: Adam, ; Schmid, ; Waechter, Oskar, Johann Jakob Moser (Stuttgart, 1885)Google Scholar; Glökler, J.P., Johann Jakob Moser, Ein Lebensbild aus dem 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1872)Google Scholar; von Mohl, Robert, Die Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissenschaften (Erlangen, 1855–1858), II, pp. 402ff.Google Scholar; and the recent Bader, , “Moser”.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 4} Anon. (J.F.F.Ganz), Württembergische Briefe, oder Schilderung der Sitten und der Merkwürdigen Personen dieses Herzogthums (Frankfurt, 1766), pp. 40–47.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 1} Wittleder's career is vividly described in Gegel, Georg Jakob, Beleuchtung einer Regierungsperiode des gegenwärtigen Regent Württembergs, zur Beherzigung und Belehrung für meine Landsleute in Rücksicht meiner damaligen Dienstjahre (Stuttgart, 1789), pp. 190ff.Google Scholar; see also Ganz, , pp. 34ff.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 2} Gegel, , p. 222.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 3} Johns, Karla, “Johann Ludwig Huber, ein Tübinger Demokrat. Die Geschichte eines tapferen Oberamtmanns”, in: Tübinger Blätter, 42, p. 28.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 4} Ibid., pp. 25–30.

^{page 306 note 5} Cited by Seidel, , p. 29Google Scholar. It might be translated: “Who shall punish high authority, which, eschewing all higher wills, forgiveth all to lords and naught to subject man. If poets do not speak, whosoever speaks emboldens tyrants sovereign. Princes be what they are by chanced and accidental acquisition of domain.”

^{page 307 note 1} Huber, Johann Ludwig, Etwas von Meinem Lebenslauf und etwas von meiner Muse auf der Vestung – ein kleiner Beitrag zu der selbst erlebten Geschichte meines Vaterlandes (Stuttgart, 1798), pp. 41 ffGoogle Scholar. The Landschaft later awarded him a pension of 600 gulden per annum. See Johns, , p. 30.Google Scholar

^{page 307 note 2} Seidel, , p. 25.Google Scholar