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Monastic Estates and Agricultural Transformation in Mount Lebanon in the 18th Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Richard van Leeuwen
Affiliation:
Institute for Near Eastern and Islamic Studies, University of Amsterdam

Extract

One of the central issues in the debate on the transformative impact of European economic expansion on agricultural structures in the Ottoman Empire concerns the formation of large agricultural estates. It has been argued that the growing demand for raw materials on the world market fostered efforts at the integration of small landholdings into larger units of production and an increasing commercialization of agricultural produce. This commercializaiton coincided with a tendency toward crop specializaiton and a regional differentitation between the rural areas.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

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References

NOTES

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7 It should be noted that the administrations of both Yusuf and Bashir were interrupted several times, or were, at intervals, shared with other Shihab amirs; especially al'Jazzar often changed sides between the Shihab amirs.

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13 See Touma, , Paysans et Institutions, p. 531;Google ScholarRisteihueber, R., Les traditions françaises au Liban (Paris, 1925), pp. 223–31;Google Scholaral-Ḥattūnī, M. T., Nubdha Tārīkhiyya fī al-Muqāṭa⊂a al-Kisrawāniyya (Beirut, 1884), pp 113–14;Google ScholarKhāzin, , “Tārīkh,”Google Scholar in Khāzin, and Mas⊂ad, , al-Uṣūl, 3:442–53;Google ScholarGhālib, B., ed., “Taqrīr al-Sayyid de Grange,” al-Mashriq, 28 (1930), 585, 587;Google ScholarZiyāda, , al-Qaḍ&⊃ al-Mārūnī, pp. 7274.Google Scholar

14 Volney, , Voyage, pp. 372–73;Google ScholarBurayk, al-Dimashqī, Tārīkh al-Shām, pp. 59, 76, 83, 86, 119, 120;Google Scholaral-Duwayhī, I., Tārikh al-Azmina, ed. Fahed, P. (Beirut, 1976), pp. 419, 438;Google Scholaral-Shihāb, A. Ḥ, Tārīkh Aḥmad Bāshā al-Jazzār, ed. Shiblī, A. and Khalīfa, I. A. (Beirut, 1955), p. 186;Google ScholarMunayyar, , “Kitāb al-Khūrī Ḥanāniyya al-Munayyar,” in idem, p. 406;Google ScholarZughayyib, J., ⊂Awd al-Naṣārā ilá Jurūd Kisrawān, ed. al-Qarā⊂ali, B. (Cairo, nd.);Google ScholarḤattūnī, , Nubdha Tarikhiyya, p. 76;Google ScholarḤarfūsh, I., “al-Adyār al-Qadīma fi Kisrawān,” al-Mashriq, – (19021905);Google ScholarSh., al-Khāzin, “Awqāf a1 ⊂ā⊃ila al-Khāziniyya⊂alá al-Tawā⊃if al-Lāji⊃ ilá Lubnān,al-Mashriq, 4 (1901);Google Scholaridem, “Awqāf a1-⊂ā⊃ila a1Khāziniyya⊂alá Dhātihā,” al Mashiq, 5 (1902);Google Scholar“Nubdha fi Tārikh Dayr Rāhibāt al-Ziyāra,” al-Mashriq, 4 (1901).Google Scholar

15 “Nubdha Tārīkhiyya an Dayr Rayfūn,” in Khāzin, and ⊂ad, , al-Uṣūl, 2:591–93.Google Scholar

16 The term muṭrān is not synonymous with usquf, the Arabic word for “bishop”; however, the distinction between the two titles disappeared in the course of time; see Féghali, J., Histoire du droit de l'église Maronite, vol. I, Les conciles des XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris, 1962), p. 40.Google Scholar

17 The Khazin shaykhs formally claimed the right to nominate the muṭrāns of the dioceses of Damascus, Aleppo, and Baalbek; among the patriarchs who were elected under the protection of the Khazin shaykhs were Istifan al-Duwayhi (1670), Jibra⊃il al-Bluzani (1704), and Ya⊂qub ⊂Awwad (1704); idem, muṭrāns: al-Shadrawi (1629), al-Jamri (1658), al-Qara⊂ali (1716), Muhasib (1716), Farhat (1725), and others; patriarchs from the Khazin family were Yusuf Dargham al-Khazin (–), Tubiya al-Khazin (–), Mikha⊃il al-Khazin (vice-patriarch, –), and Yusuf al-Khazin (–); Khazin muṭrāns: Jirmanus al-Khazin (–), Istifan al-Khazin (–), Ighnatiyus al-Khazin (ca. –), and Antun al-Khazin (–); one Khazin shaykh became superior of the Baladiyya Order: Sim⊂an al-Khazin (–, 180–); Ristelhueber (Paris, 1925); Dāghir, Y. A., al-Baṭārika al-Mārūniyya (Beirut, 1985);Google Scholaral-Daḥdāḥ, S., “al-Abrashiyyāt al-Mārūniyya wa-Silsilat Asāqifatihā,” al Mashriq, – (19041905);Google ScholarḤarfūsh, , “al-Adyār,al-Mashriq, 5 (1902), 689–90, 695, 783;Google ScholarQar⊃ālī, B. al, al-La⊃ālī fī Ḥayāt al-Muṭrān ⊂Abd Allāh al-Qar⊃ālī (Bayt Shabāb, 1932);Google Scholaridem, , “al-Muṭrān Jirmānūs Farḥāt wa-Sayṭarat al-Mashāyikh ⊂alā Intikhāb al-Baṭārika wa-al-Asāqifa,” al-Majalla al-Sūrtya, – (1929-1932).Google Scholar

18 About the Lebanese Council, see Fahd, B., ed., al.⊂Allāma al-Muṭrān Yūsuf Sim⊂ān al-Sim⊂ānī (Jūniya, 1973);Google ScholarBulaybil, L., ed., “Yawmiyya al-Sayyid Yūsuf Sim⊂ān alSim⊂ānī,” al-Mashriq, 25 (1927);Google Scholarvon Hefele, C. J., Histoire des conciles d'après les documents originaux (Paris, 19491952), vol. 11;Google ScholarCh., de Clercq, Conciles des Orientaux Catholiques; Najm, Y., al-Majma⊂ al-lqlīmī alladhi ⊂Aqadahu fī Jabal Lubnān al-Sayyid al-Sāmī al-lḥtirām Baṭriyark Ṭā⊃ifat al-Sūryān al-Mawārina al-Anṭākī (Jūniya, 1900).Google Scholar

19 Najm, al-Majma⊂ al-lqlīmī, pp. 443–59; for the legal capacities of muṭrāns concerning awqaf, see also the fatwas published in Ghabrā⊃il, M. A., Tārīkh al-Kanisa al-Mārūniyya (Ba⊂abdā, 1904), vol. 2, Pt. 1, pp. 612, 614.Google Scholar

20 Ebied, R. Y. and Young, M. J. L., eds., Some Arabic Legal Documents of the Ottoman Period (Leiden, 1975), p. 2;Google Scholar a codification was made by muṭrān A. al-Qara⊂ali in 1720, alQarā⊂alī, A., Kitāb Mukhtaṣar al-Shari⊂a, ed. Mas⊂ad, B. (Beirut, 1959).Google Scholar

21 This reluctance became manifest when efforts were made to separate some mixed monasteries in the domains of the Khazin shaykhs; Fahd, , al-⊂Allama, pp. 140–41, 147–48, 150–76;Google Scholar see also letters from al-Lubūdī to al-Dibsī (1736) and to Rossioli (1738) in Fahd, B., Tārīkh al-Rahbāniyya al-Lubnāniyya bi-Far⊂ayhā al-Ḥalabī wa-al-Lubnānī (Jūniya, 19631974) 2:198–99, 236.Google Scholar

22 The protection of awqaf against confiscation is demonstrated by the fact that the Khazin shaykhs held their supervision over Dayr Sayyida Tāmish, although Sahil al-Qāti⊃ was detached from their domain in 1714; foundations usually immediately followed after the acquisition of new domains, as is shown by the examples of Lihfid and Zuq Mīkha⊃il; Ḥattūni, , Nubdha Tārīkhiyya, pp. 10, 136–37, 189;Google ScholarDaryn, Y., Nubdha Tārīkhiyya fī Aṣl al-Tā⊃ifa al-Mārūniyya (Beirut, 1919), pp. 207–8;Google Scholar on the ⊂idiyya see Chevallier, , La sociétédu Mont Liban, p. 133;Google ScholarKhāzin, , “Awqāf,” al-Mashriq, 4:977.Google Scholar

23 This can be seen, for example, in a letter from the Khazin shaykhs to the Vatican in 1752, referring to a conflict about Dayr Rahibat al-Ziyara; Khāzin and Mas⊂ad, al-Uṣūl, 1:413.

24 See, on the history of the Lebanese Order, Bulaybil, L., Tārīkh al-Rahbāniyya al-Lubnāniyya, vols. I, 2 (Cairo, 1924, 1925),Google Scholar vol. 3, al-Mashriq, 51-53 (19571959);Google ScholarFahd, B. (Jūniya, 19631974);Google ScholarMahfoud, G. J., L'Organisation monastique dans l'église Maronite (Beirut, 1967); dissensions within the order led to a formal partition into a Baladi and a Halabi branch in the second half of the 18th century; this essay concentrates on the mainstream, from the socioeconomic viewpoint, which was represented by the Baladi branch; see Fahd, Tārikh, vol. 4.Google Scholar

25 Documents of transactions concluded by the Lebanese Order, especially with the Shihab, Billama⊂, Dahdah, Hamada, Junblat, and Abu Nakad families have been published by Bulaybil; see for example, Tārikh, l:–; 2:156, –, –, –, 265, 271, –, 283, 293, –, –; al Mashriq, 51(1957), 537, 683, 685, 692; ibid., 52 (1958), 21–23, 45, 211.

26 See, for instance, the documents concerning the transfer of Dayr Rumiyya, Dayr Mar Ilyas al-Ras, Dayr Mar Antuniyus Sir, and Dayr Sayyida Tamish to the order; Fahd, Tārīkh, vols. 1, 3; Ḥattūnī, , Nubdha Tārīkhiyya, pp. 140–41;Google Scholaral-⊂Aynṭūrīnī, A. Kh., “Kitāb Mukhtaar Tārikh Jabal Lubnān,al-Mashriq, 47 (1953), 61;Google ScholarBulaybil, , Tārikh, 1:54, 130–38, 257–60;Google Scholaribid., 2:302; idem, al-Mashriq, 52 (1958), 324;Google Scholar, B., Baṭārikat: al-Mawārina wa-Asāqifatuhum (Beirut, 1985), 2:3538; Qarā⊂alī, al-Majalla al-Sūrīya, passim.Google Scholar

27 ⊂Aynṭūrīnī, , “Kitāb Mukhtaṣar,” al-Mashriq, 46 (1952), 438–40, 526–59;Google Scholaribid., 47 (1953), 36–47; al-Dibs, Y., Tārīkh Sūriya (Beirut, 1903), vol. 8, pt. 4, pp. 500503;Google Scholaral-Munayyar, , “al-Durr al Marṣuf fī Tārīkh al-Shūf,” ed. Sarkīs, I., al-Mashriq, 48 (1954), 688;Google ScholarKhāṭir, L., āl Sa⊂d fī al-Tārikh (Beirut, 1988), pp. 5659;Google ScholarShihābī, , Lubnān fi ⊂Ahd al-Umarā⊃, pp. 62, 80, 88;Google ScholarḤattūnī, , Nubdha Tārīkhiyya, pp. 182–89;Google ScholarNiebuhr, C., Reize naar Arabie en Andere Omliggende Landen (Amsterdam, 17761780), vol. 2, p. 449;Google ScholarKarāma, , Ḥawādith Lubnān, pp. 3536;Google Scholaral-Shidyāq, T., Kitāb Akhbār al-A⊂yān fi Tārīkh Jabal Lubnān, ed. al-Bustānī, F. A. (Beirut, 1970), p. 327.Google Scholar

28 ⊂Abbūd, al-Ghusṭwī, Baṣā⊃ir al-Zomān, pp. 6971;Google ScholarKhāzin, , “Tarīkh,” in Khāzin and Mas⊂ad,Google ScholaralUṣūl, 3:430, 443–53, 487, 503;Google ScholarḤatttūnī, , Nubdha Tārikhiyya, pp. 189, 217, 219–24, 226, 236, 253–63, 319;Google ScholarShidyāq, , Kitāb Akhbār a1A⊂yān, pp. 74, 145, 386, 389;Google ScholarShihābī, , Lubnān fi ⊂Ahd al-Umarā⊃, pp. 127, 134, 135, 181, 513;Google ScholarMunayyar, , “al-Durr al-Marṣūf,” al-Mashriq, 50 (1956), 207, 447;Google Scholaribid., 51(1957), 397, 430, 441, 442, 449, 450, 474, 478, 479; see also the waqfiyya published in Fahd, , Tārīkh, 1:352–57.Google Scholar

29 Bulaybil, , Tārīkh, 2:173276;Google Scholar see also a letter from Yusuf concerning this transaction in ibid., p. 321; Ḥattūnī, , Nubdha Tārikhiyya, pp. 182–84.Google Scholar

30 See, for instance, the mushāraka contracts of Dayr Yashac⊂ (1748, 1760) in Fahd, , Tārīkh, 7:266, 276, 277;Google Scholar see also Slim, S. Abou el-Rousse, Le métayage el l'impôt au Mont Liban; XVIIIe et XIXe sièdes (Beirut, 1987), pp. 25, 36.Google Scholar

31 See the references in n. 25.

32 Bulaybil, , “Tārīkh,” al-Mashriq, 52 (1958), 35;Google ScholarKarāma, , Ḥawādith Lubnān, pp. 112, 113, 119, 126;Google Scholar Munayyar, “Kitāb al-Khūrī Ḥanāniyya al-Munayyar,” in Shiblī, and Khaliīfa, , Tārīkh Aḥmad al-Jazzār, pp. 381, 416;Google ScholarFahd, , Tārīkh, 7:255, 258, 259, 262–65, 289;Google Scholar letters from ⊂Aqīl, T. to al-Aḥad, I.⊂Abd (1777),Google Scholaribid., 5:206, 216; Burckhardt, J. L., Reisen in Syrien, Palästina und der Gegend des Berges Sinai (Weimar, 1823), vol. 1, pp. 308, 309.Google Scholar

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34 Khāzin, “Tārīkh,” in Khāzin, and Mas⊂ad, , al-Uṣūl, 3:450–52;Google Scholar see about the Maronite councils, Hefele, Histoire des conciles, vol. II; Fahd, B., Majmū⊂at al-Majāmī⊂ al-Ṭāifiyya al- Mārūniyya⊂abra al-Tārīkh (Jūniya, 1975).Google Scholar

35 Ḥattūnī, , Nubdha Tārīkhīyya, pp. 219–24, 235, 259, 264;Google Scholaral-Dimashqī, M., Tārikh Ḥawādith al-Shām wa-Lubnān aw Tārīkh Mīkhā⊂īl al-Dimashqī, ed. Sābānū, A. Gh. (Damascus, 1403/1982), pp. 109, 122, 128;Google ScholarMunayyar, , “al-Durr al-Marṣtūf,” al-Mashriq, 51 (1957), 466;Google Scholar see also n. 28 and Abou, el-Rousse Slim, Le métayage et l'impôt, p. 24;Google Scholar see also a letter from Shaybān al-Khāzin to Prop. (1817?), S.C., Mar., vol. 17, fol. 109, and a letter from Gandolfi to Prop. (25 July 1809), S.C., Mar., vol. 15, fol. 462; regional differences became manifest during the election of Patriarch Yusuf al-Khazin in 1845; see al-Daḥdāḥ, S., ‘Intikhāb Baṭriyark Mārūnī fi al-Qarn alTāsi⊂ ⊂Ashar”, al-Mashriq, vol. 30 (1932).Google Scholar

36 The Baladi Order exploited a small factory with the Shihab amirs; see “Relazione dello Stato de’ Monaci Marroniti,” Acta, vol. 193 (1830), fols. 472, 473; the economic growth of Jubayl and Batrun is also shown by a proposal by Patriarch Yuhanna al-Hilu to increase the ⊂ushūr tax of Beirut and Jubayl and Batrun; letter from al-Hiliū to Prop. (5 Dec. 1814), S.C.. Mar., vol. 16, fol. 296; cf. Acta, vol. 144 (1774), fols. –; see also a letter from the population of the diocese of Jubayl and Batrun to Prop. (25 March 1836), S.C., Mar., vol. 21, fol. 688;Google ScholarḤattūni, , Nubdha Tārīkhiyya, pp. 230–31.Google Scholar

37 Allegedly Patriarch Yusuf al-Tiyyan protested to the amir against tax demands at the turn of the century; see Dāghir, , al-Baṭārika, pp. 75, 76;Google Scholar Patriarch Hubaysh sent a petition with Maronite demands to the Porte in 1840, as he was officially nominated as the representative of the Maronite community; see Taoutel, F., “Wathā⊃iq Tārikhiyya⊃an ṭalab,al-Mashriq, 53 (1959), 236–38;Google Scholar see also N. Murad to Prop. (30 Aug. 1841). S.C., Mar., vol. 22, fol. 428; report by the Austrian Consul (7 Oct. 1841), ibid., fols. –; a protest against the clerical interference in politics was expressed by the Khazin, Hubaysh, and Dahdah shaykhs in a letter to the Prop. (1842), S.C., Mar., vol. 23, fols. 24, 25.

38 Th., Philipp, The Syrians in Egypt, 17251975 (Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 2, 9, 17, 22, 54;Google ScholarDavis, R., Aleppo and Devonshire Square; English Traders in the Levant in the 18th Century (London, 1967), pp. 159, 160;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMasson, P., Histoire du commerce français dans le Levant, vol. 2, Le XVII1e siècle (Paris, 1896; New York, 1967), pp. 445, 446, 466, 519;Google ScholarChevallier, , La societé du Mont Liban, p. 71;Google ScholarHourani, A. H., “The Middleman in a Changing Society: Syrians in Egypt in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” in The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Oxford, 1981), pp. 104, 105;CrossRefGoogle ScholarCharlesRoux, F., Les echelles d Syrie et de Palestine au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1928), pp. 5, 6, 7, 9, 74, 79, 162;Google ScholarGrenville, H., Observations sur l'état actuel de l'Empire ottoman (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1965), pp. 48, 68;Google ScholarAbou, el-Rousse Slim, La métayage et l'impot, p. 65.Google Scholar