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The Records of the University of Fort Hare*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Seán Morrow
Affiliation:
University of Fort Hare
Khayalethu Gxabalashe
Affiliation:
University of Fort Hare

Extract

Historians, not just of South Africa, but of any part of what was once British Africa up to and including Kenya, will be familiar with the significance of the University of Fort Hare at Alice, in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. The university is built on the site and retains the name of a British fort that was a major base for one of the first and most bitterly-fought, and certainly the longest, of the nineteenth-century southern African wars of conquest. However, in one of the paradoxes in which South Africa abounds, Fort Hare has become a shibboleth of modern African nationalism, priding itself on its illustrious alumni, which include many of the great names of the modern black elite in southern Africa. The paradox to some extent disappears, and the interest and complexity increases, when it is considered that Fort Hare had its origins in the liberal missionary tradition, with all its ambiguities, and that its products included homeland leaders as well as nationalist politicians, and the functionaries of segregationist and colonial states as well as assertively African political and cultural leaders.

The vicinity of Fort Hare has long been a center of education in the western tradition. From 1841, in the case of Lovedale, with nearby Healdtown and St. Matthew's following later, the great mission-schools of the Eastern Cape, supported by the Lovedale Press, made the area the cradle of the mission-educated African elite. It was from this context that Fort Hare emerged in 1916, being the creation of an interdenominational group of Protestant missionaries and of African leaders such as John Tengo Jabavu, founder of the newspaper Imvo Zabatsundu.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2000

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Footnotes

*

The authors would like to thank the Fort Hare University Registrar, at the time of writing, Dr. I.K. Mabindisa, for his assistance. We would also like to thank colleagues at the Govan Mbeki Research Resource Centre, and especially Nwabisa Vokwana and Brown Maaba; Mr. E.G. Somyo and his staff in the Registry; Ms Yolisa Soul, the Acting University Librarian; Ms Nandi Tom, the Acting Director of Human Resources; Mr. Mbeko Mnyatheli, Deputy Director, Development and Public Affairs; Mr. Nikile Ntsababa, Chief Committee Clerk, and Ms Sandy Rowoldt, the Cory Librarian at Rhodes University.

References

1 For studies of the historical background to the Eastern Cape see, inter alia, Peires, J.B., The House of Phalo: a History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Johannesburg, 1981)Google Scholar; Mostert, Noël, Frontiers: the Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Crais, Clifton C., The Making of the Colonial Order: White Supremacy and Black Resistance in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Johannesburg, 1992)Google Scholar; Stapleton, Timothy J., Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994).Google Scholar

2 The literature on this theme includes, for instance, Marks, Shula, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa: Class, Nationalism and the State in Twentieth-Century Natal (Johannesburg, 1986)Google Scholar; Rich, Paul B., “Albert Luthuli and the American Board Mission in South Africa” in Bredekamp, Henry and Ross, Robert, eds., Missions and Christianity in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995): 189209.Google Scholar

3 See, for instance, Shepherd, R.H.W., Lovedale, South Africa: the Story of a Century, 1841-1941 ([Alice, 1941])Google Scholar; White, T.R.H., “Lovedale 1930-1955: The Study of a Missionary Institution in Its Social, Educational, and Political Context” (M.A. thesis, Rhodes university, 1987)Google ScholarHewson, Leslie A., “Healdtown: a Study of a Methodist Experiment in African Education” (Ph.D., Rhodes University, 1959)Google Scholar; Peppeta, Joseph Ability Mzwanele, “A Portrait of a School: Healdtown Missionary Institution, 1925-55, Through the Eyes of Some of its ex-Pupils,” (M.Ed., Rhodes University, 1989)Google Scholar; Fihla, Priscilla Mandlakazi, “The Development of Bantu Education at the St. Matthew's Mission Station, Keiskama Hock, 1853-1959” (M.Ed., University of South Africa, 1962).Google Scholar

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9 Burchell, D.E., “The Emergence and Growth of Student Militancy at the University College of Fort Hare in the 1940s and 1950s,” Journal of the University of Durban-Westville n.s. 3(1986), 149–67Google Scholar; idem, “The Pursuit of Relevance Within a Conservative Context: The University College of Fort Hare to 1960,” Con-Text 1 (1988), 45-67; idem, “Alexander Kerr of the University College of Fort Hare: South African Liberalism and the Domestication of an African Intelligentsia,” Acta Academica 23 (1991), 1-33.

10 White, T.R.H., “Z.K. Matthews and the Formation of the ANC Youth League at the University College of Fort Hare,” Kleio 27 (1995):,124–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Student Disturbances at Fort Hare in 1955,” Kleio 29 (1997): 115-38.

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12 Beale, Em, “The task of Fort Hare in terms of the Transkei and Ciskei:' Educational Policy at Fort Hare in the 1960s,” Perspectives in Education 12(1990), 4154.Google Scholar For the background to the government takeover, see Beale, Mary Alice, “Apartheid and University Education, 1948–1959” (M.A., University of the Witwatersrand, 1994).Google Scholar

13 Ngwane, Zolani, “The 80th Anniversary Celebrations at Fort Hare: Past as Symbol, History as Imagination,” paper presented to University of Fort Hare Govan Mbeki Research Resource Centre Research Seminar series, February 1997.Google Scholar

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16 Rowoldt, Sandra, ed., Register of Documents No. 32: Alexander Kerr Collection (Grahamstown, 1994).Google Scholar

17 The first of the articles in South African Outlook on Zwane appeared in 108/1286(1978): 120-21, 128.

18 For the ANC archives at Fort Hare see Stapleton, T. and Maamoe, I., “An Overview of the African National Congress Archives at the University of Fort Hare,” HA 25 (1998): 413422.Google Scholar For the first study to make substantial use of these archives, see Marrow, Seán, “Dakawa Development Centre: an African National Congress Settlement in Tanzania, 1982-1992,” African Affairs 97(1998): 497521.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19 Pogrund, Benjamin, How Can Man Die Better: The Life of Robert Sobukwe (Johannesburg, 1990).Google Scholar

20 Among Tabata's publications is his perceptive Education for Barbarism in South Africa: Bantu (Apartheid) Education (London, 1960).Google Scholar

21 Brutus, Dennis, A Simple Lust: Collected Poems of South African Jail and Exile (London, 1973).Google Scholar

22 Some of Can Themba's journalistic writing has been collected in Stuart, Donald and Holland, Roy, eds., The Will to Die (London, 1972).Google Scholar

23 For Mancoba see Miles, Elza, Land and Lives: a Story of Early Mack Artists (Cape Town, 1997), 136–43.Google Scholar

24 Jordan is probably most widely known for his isiXhosa novel Ingqumbo Yeminyanya (Lovedale, 1954)Google Scholar, translated as Wrath of the Ancestors (Lovedale, 1980).Google Scholar

25 For further details on Mary Mahlasela see Kuzwayo, Ellen, Call Me Woman (London, 1985): 140, 145-46, 247–49.Google Scholar Our thanks to Brown Maaba for this reference.

26 A study that deals with Stanlake Samkange, his brother, Sketchley, and his father, Thompson, is Ranger, Terence, Are We Not Also Men? The Samkange Family and African Politics in Zimbabwe, 1920-64 (London, 1995).Google ScholarPubMed Two of Stanlake Samkange's works are Origins of Rhodesia (London, 1968)Google Scholar, and his historical drama On Trial for my Country (London, 1966).Google Scholar

27 Our thanks to John McCracken, Stirling University, for this reference.