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Wesleyanism and Empire

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Stephen Koss
Stephen Koss
Affiliation:
Columbia University
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Extract

Much as late-Victorian Nonconformists were inclined to take a simplified view of national politics, which they saw as a perpetual conflict between the agents of darkness and the apostles of light, students of the period have tended to take a simplified view of political Nonconformity, which was as multifarious in its secular loyalties as in its theological variations. The self-appointed guardians of the Nonconformist Conscience spoke with many voices, rarely in unison. Indeed, the individual who gave currency to that catchphrase, the Rev. Hugh Price Hughes, was - much by his Wesleyanism as by his idiosyncrasy - among the least typical of those whom he was alleged to represent.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 18 , Issue 1 , March 1975 , pp. 105 - 118
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

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References

1 The tendency among political historians to treat Nonconformity as a monolithic force is evident in such distinguished recent works as Neal Blewett, The Peers, the Parties and the People: the General Elections of 1910 (London, 1972)Google Scholar, Hamer, D. A., Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and Rosebery (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar, and Thompson, Paul, Socialists, Liberals and Labour: the Struggle for London, 1885–1914 (London, 1967).Google Scholar

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16 Perks to Rosebery, 27 Nov. 1896, Perks Papers (courtesv of Sir Malcolm Perks).

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44 Jeremiah Jordan at South Fermanagh.

45 Henry Broadhurst, Benjamin Pickard, John Wilson, and Charles Fenwick. All were spokesmen for the ‘old’ unionism, to the extent that they opposed Eight Hours legislation for the mines. Fenwick, who was not a Wesleyan, had occasionally voted with the pro-Boers, but was extremely defensive about the fact. Price, Richard, An Imperial War and the British Wording Class (London, 1972), p. 107.Google Scholar

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50 With few exceptions, Wesleyan candidates of both parties stood in areas where the Methodist tradition was strong: Cornwall, the eastern counties, the West Riding, and Lancashire. Wolverhampton, which was Fowler's fief, had been a stronghold since the early nineteenth century. For a detailed analysis, see Pelling, Henry, Social Geography of British Elections, 1885–1910 (London, 1967), pp. 161, p, 206, 289–90, 303, 311, 322–3; Currie, p. 104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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