¹ Juan Ortiz Escamilla, Guerra y gobierno: los pueblos y la independencia de México (Mexico City and Seville, 1997); Eric Van Young, The other rebellion: popular violence, ideology, and the Mexican struggle for independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford, CA, 2001): for a critical appraisal of this work, see my review in Journal of Latin American Studies, 34 (2002), pp. 962–5; José Antonio Serrano Ortega, Jerarquía territorial y transición política (Zamora and Mexico City, 2001).

² Peter Guardino, The time of liberty: popular political culture in Oaxaca, 1750–1850 (Durham, NC, and London, 2005), cuts across the Independence decade and examines comparatively the political behaviour of the Indian Villa Alta district in the northern sierra and the creole-mestizo city of Oaxaca in the central valley. See my review of this work, which has a superimposed neo-Gramscian ideology, in Historia Mexicana, LVII (2007). Guy P. C. Thomson, ‘“Montaña” and “Llanura” in the politics of central Mexico: the case of Puebla, 1820–1920’, in Wil Pansters and Arij Ouweneel, eds., Region, state and capitalism in Mexico: nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Amsterdam, 1989), pp. 59–78, provides a methodological background.

³ Guy P. C. Thomson and David G. LaFrance, Patriotism, politics, and popular liberalism in nineteenth-century Mexico: Juan Francisco Lucas and the Puebla Sierra (Wilmington, DE, 1999); see also the seminal article by Thomson, , ‘Popular aspects of liberalism in Mexico, 1848–1888’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 10 (1991), pp. 265–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Jaime E. Rodríguez has drawn attention to this curiously neglected aspect of Hispanic history in the final remarks in his The independence of Spanish America (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 244–5.

⁵ Charles Gibson, The Aztecs under Spanish rule: a history of the Indians of the valley of Mexico, 1519–1810 (Stanford, CA, 1964). This work laid the foundations for James Lockhart, The Nahuas after conquest: a social and cultural history of the Indians of central Mexico, sixteenth through eighteenth centuries (Stanford, CA, 1992); D. A. Brading, Merchants and miners in Bourbon Mexico, 1763–1810 (Cambridge, 1971); Brian R. Hamnett, Politics and trade in southern Mexico, 1750–1821 (Cambridge, 1971); P. J. Bakewell, Silver mining and society in colonial Mexico, Zacatecas, 1546–1700 (Cambridge, 1971); Jonathan I. Israel, Race, class and politics in colonial Mexico, 1610–1670 (Oxford, 1975); William B. Taylor, Landlord and peasant in colonial Oaxaca (Stanford, CA, 1972). Eric Van Young, Hacienda and market in eighteenth-century Mexico: the rural economy of the Guadalajara region, 1675–1820 (Berkeley, CA, 1981), examined the development of the hacienda as market-oriented business with considerable impact on neighbouring Indian village communities in the cereal-producing zones in the vicinity of the rising city of Guadalajara. Carlos Sempat Assadourian, El sistema de la economía colonial: el mercado interior: regiones y espacio económico (Mexico City, 1983), emphasized the internal economy during the colonial period, complement and alternative (especially during times of wartime blockade) to the Atlantic trade.

⁶ This work should be seen in relation to Serge Gruzinski, La colonisation de l'imaginaire: sociétés indigènes et occidentalisation dans le Mexique espagnole, XVIe–XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1988), which examines the incorporation of indigenous society into the Hispanic cultural world through the transformation of its historical and mythical past (‘memory’), the diffusion of Christian spirituality, and the supersession of a pictorial by a literary means of communication (‘occidentalization’). For the changing basis of Spanish rule under the Bourbons, see, for instance, Colin MacLachlan, Spain's empire in the New World: the role of ideas in institutional and social change (Berkeley, CA, 1988).

⁷ See, for instance, the historiographical review by Price, Munro, ‘Versailles revisited: new work on the Old Regime’, Historical Journal, 46 (2003), pp. 437–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's merchant élite, 1590–1660: silver, state and society (Durham, NC, and London, 1991), penetrates beyond the economic and political position of the commercial elite, heavily involved in financing the mining sector, to individual cases. For the eighteenth century, see Doris M. Ladd, The Mexican nobility at independence, 1780–1826 (Austin, TX, 1976); John Kicza, Colonial entrepreneurs: families and business in Bourbon Mexico City (Albuquerque, NM, 1983); William B. Taylor, Magistrates of the sacred: priests and parishioners in eighteenth-century Mexico (Stanford, CA, 1996), for a magnificent analysis of the triangular relationship of civil administrator, priest, and village; Matilde Souto Mantecón, Mar Abierto: la política y el comercio de Consulado de Veracruz en el ocaso del sistema imperial (Mexico City, 2001); Guillermina del Valle Pavón (co-ord.), Mercaderes, comercio y consulados de Nueva España en el siglo XVIII (Mexico City, 2003); Edith Boorstein Couturier, The silver king: the remarkable life of the count of Regla in colonial Mexico (Albuquerque, NM, 2003).

⁹ Josefina Z. Vázquez edited and introduced a large volume on the problem of the defeat, México al tiempo de su guerra con Estados Unidos (1846–1848) (Mexico City, 1997). Donald Fithian Stevens, Origins of instability in early republican Mexico (London, 1991), argues that the conflict between Mexico's colonial inheritance and nineteenth-century liberal goals generated instability. Peter F. Guardino, Peasants, politics, and the formation of Mexico's national state. Guerrero, 1800–1857 (Stanford, CA, 1996), argues that peasant communities influenced national state-formation, and were ready to make ‘cross-class alliances’.

¹⁰ David J. Weber, The Mexican frontier, 1821–1846: the American southwest under Mexican rule (Albuquerque, NM, 1982).

¹¹ See Víctor Orozco, Las guerras indias en la historia de Chihuahua: primera fase (Mexico City, 1992); and Martha Rodríguez, La guerra entre bárbaros y civilizados: el exterminio del nómada en Coahuila, 1840–1880 (Saltillo, 1998).

¹² The debate has usually been framed, particularly with reference to the first half of the nineteenth century, in terms of the tension between the federal government and the state governments in the regions, rather than as a conflict between nationalism and regionalism. During the period of the Liberal Reform and the French Intervention (1855–67), the tension between regional and national interests became sharper. Some current historiography has preferred to stress defence of ethnic identity in relation to both the national state and regional governments. See Antonio Escobar Ohmstede, ed., Indio, nación y comunidad en el México del siglo xix (Mexico City, 1993); and Antonio Escobar Ohmstede, Romana Falcón, and Raymond Buve, eds., Pueblos, comunidades y municipios frente a los proyectos modernizadores en América Latina, siglo xix (San Luis Potosí and Amsterdam, 2002).

¹³ See, for instance, Mario Cerutti, Economía de guerra y poder regional en el siglo xix (Monterrey, 1983); idem, ‘The formation and consolidation of a regional bourgeoisie in northeastern Mexico (Monterrey: from reform to revolution)’, in Pansters and Ouweneel, eds., Region, state and capitalism, pp. 47–58; Sandra Kuntz Ficker, Empresa extranjera y el mercado interno: el ‘Ferrocarril Central Mexicano’, 1880–1907 (Mexico City, 1995).

¹⁴ Charles H. Harris, A Mexican family empire: the latifundio of the Sánchez Navarros, 1765–1867 (Austin, TX, 1975); Mark Wasserman, Capitalists, caciques, and revolution: the native élite and foreign enterprise in Chihuahua, Mexico, 1854–1911 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984); idem, Persistent oligarchies: élites and politics in Chihuahua, Mexico, 1910–1940 (Durham, NC, and London, 1993); Cheryl E. Martin, Governance and society in colon ial Mexico: Chihuahua in the eighteenth century (Stanford, CA, 1996); Romana Falcón, ‘Poderes y razones de las jefaturas políticas: Coahuila en el primer siglo de la vida independiente’, in Jaime E. Rodríguez O, ed., The evolution of the Mexican political system (Wilmington, DE, 1993).

¹⁵ William K. Meyers, Forge of progress, crucible of revolt: the origins of the Mexican revolution in La Comarca Lagunera, 1880–1911 (Albuquerque, NM, 1994). See Romana Falcón and Raymond Buve, eds., Don Porfirio Presidente … nunca omnipotente: hallazgos, reflexiones y debates, 1876–1911 (Mexico, 1998); and Paul Garner, Porfirio Díaz (London, 2001), which stressed how the Díaz regime changed significantly over time, and was essentially contradictory.

¹⁶ Villa, always controversial as a personality and with regard to his position in the Revolution, was recently the subject of a monumental study by Friedrich Katz, The life and times of Pancho Villa (Stanford, CA, 1998).

¹⁷ Doris Ladd, The making of a strike: Mexican silver workers’ struggles in Real de Monte, 1766–1775 (London, 1988); Richard J. Salvucci, Textiles and capitalism in Mexico: an economic history of the obrajes, 1539–1840 (Princeton, NJ, 1987); Guy P. C. Thomson, Puebla de los Angeles: industry and society in a Mexican city, 1700–1850 (London, 1989); Susan Deans-Smith, Bureaucrats, planters, and workers: the making of the tobacco monopoly in Bourbon Mexico (Austin, TX, 1991).

¹⁸ Joe C. Ashby, Organized labor and the Mexican revolution under Lázaro Cárdenas (Chapel Hill, NC, 1963), dealt predominantly with workers in the La Laguna cotton sector, textiles, the oil industry, and on the railways, and less so with the manufacturing industries located in Monterrey. Stephen H. Haber, Industry and underdevelopment: the industrialization of Mexico, 1890–1940 (Stanford, CA, 1989). See also Jonathan C. Brown, Oil and revolution in Mexico (Berkeley, CA 1993). Sonia Pérez Toledo, Los hijos del trabajo: los artesanos de la ciudad de México, 1780–1853 (Mexico City, 1996), explores city labour organization and conflicts in the late colonial and early republican era. Urbanization and labour conditions are themes of the essays in Carlos Illiades and Ariel Rodríguez Kuri, eds., Ciudad de México: instituciones, actores sociales y conflicto político, 1774–1931 (Zamora and Mexico City, 1996).

¹⁹ For regionalism in Nuevo León, see Juan Mora-Torres, The making of the Mexican border: the state, capitalism, and society in Nuevo León, 1848–1910 (Austin, TX, 2001), which remarks on the need to relate regional to national history. This relationship is successfully examined in Timothy E. Anna, Forging Mexico, 1821–1835 (London, 1998), where regional sentiment represented the essential component of Mexican nationhood. Regionalism and separatism were, of course, two completely different phenomena.

²⁰ Elisa Cárdenas Ayala, Le laboratoire démocratique: le Mexique en Révolution (1908–1913) (Paris, 2001), pp. 229–69, discusses social Catholic organization, with emphasis on Jalisco, and looks critically at the bibliography. See also Manuel Ceballos Ramírez, El catolicismo social: un tercero en discordia: ‘rerum novarum’, la ‘cuestión social’ y la movilización de los católicos mexicanos (1891–1911) (Mexico City, 1991).

²¹ José Díaz and Ramón Rodríguez, El movimiento cristero: sociedad y conflicto en los Altos de Jalisco (Mexico City, 1979).

²² From the thesis came La Cristiada (3 vols., Mexico City and Madrid, 1973–4), two French off-shoots, and a concise English version, The Cristero rebellion: the Mexican people between church and state, 1926–1929 (Cambridge, 1976). For Meyer's study of the Catholic movement against the Liberal Reform and the Revolution, see Jean Meyer, El sinarquismo ¿un fascismo mexicano?, 1937–1947 (Mexico City, 1979). For Guanajuato, see Pablo Serrano Álvarez, La batalla del espíritu: el movimiento sinarquista en el Bajío (1933–1951) (2 vols., Mexico City, 1992), and for relations with the church, V. Rubén Aguilar and P. Guillermo Zermeño, Religión, política y sociedad: el sinarquismo y la iglesia (nueve ensayos) (Mexico City, 1992).

²³ Jennie Purnell, Popular movements and state formation in revolutionary Mexico: the ‘Agraristas’ and ‘Cristeros’ of Michoacán (London, 1999).

²⁴ D. A. Brading, Church and state in Bourbon Mexico: the diocese of Michoacán, 1749–1810 (Cambridge, 1994), examines the regional impact of Bourbon policies and clerical division over the issue of Independence from Spain, and Margaret Chowning, Wealth and power in provincial Mexico: Michoacán from the late colony to the Revolution (Stanford, CA, 1999), for regional bases of power and their relation to the broader Mexican context.

²⁵ The term, mestizo, has no easy definition. It means far more than simply miscegenation or multiculturalism, since it can also have moral and political implications. Positive usage stresses anti-colonialism or rejection of race-separation, but, as in Mexico, moves beyond that to the ethno-social integration associated with nation-building. For a recent examination from a South American perspective, see Wade, Peter, ‘Rethinking mestizaje: ideology and lived experience’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 37 (2005), pp. 239–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Paul J. Vanderwood, The power of God against the guns of government: religious upheaval at the turn of the nineteenth century (Stanford, CA, 1998).

²⁷ For comparison with the north-west, see Adrian Bantjes, As if Jesus walked on earth: Cardenismo, Sonora and the Mexican Revolution (Wilmington, DE, 2000), and idem, ‘Idolatry and iconoclasm in revolutionary Mexico: the dechristianization campaign, 1929–40’, Mexican studies/Estudios Mexicanos, 16 (2000), pp. 87–120Google Scholar.