¹ King's College, Cambridge [Modern Archives], Browning papers: Gardiner to Oscar Browning, 17 Oct. 1885.

² Firth, C. H., ‘Samuel Rawson Gardiner’, D.N.B., s.v. F. York Powell, ‘Samuel Rawson Gardiner’, English Historical Review, XVII (1902), 276. For the bibliography of his worksGoogle Scholar, Shaw, W. A., A bibliography of the works of Dr Creighton…, Dr Stubbs…, Dr S. R. Gardiner and the late Lord Acton (1903), pp. 25–39Google Scholar.

³ Goldstein, Doris, ‘The professionalization of history in Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’, History of Historiography, III (1983), 3–26Google Scholar; Burrow, J. W., ‘Victorian historians and the Royal Historical Society’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. XXXIX (1989), 125–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Powell, , ‘Gardiner’, p. 277Google Scholar.

⁵ Especially in Russell, C. S. R., Parliaments and English politics, 1621–29 (Oxford, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Underdown, D. E., Pride's purge: politics in the Puritan revolution (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁶ Morrill, J. S., Seventeenth-century Britain 1603–1714 (Folkestone, 1980), p. 39Google Scholar.

⁷ Gardiner, S. R., History of the Great Civil War (4 vols., 1893; reprinted 1987), introduction, p. XXVGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Gardiner, S. R., ‘Leopold von Ranke’, The Academy, XXIX (1886), 380Google Scholar.

⁹ MS Registers of the Catholic Apostolic Church, Gordon Sq., London, W.C. I; cited in Tyacke, N. R. N., ‘An unnoticed work of Samuel Rawson Gardiner’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XLVII (1974), 244–5. AmongGoogle Scholar Gardiner's earliest published works was a translation of Über Christliches Familienleben (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1854), by the Irvingite convert and professor of divinity at Marburg, H. W. J. Thiersch. Editions of Gardiner's translation, Christian family life, were printed in London in 1856 and 1880, and in Glasgow in 1905Google Scholar.

¹⁰ B.L., Add. MS 44512 (Gladstone papers), fo. 224. King's College, Cambridge, Browning papers (Gardiner correspondence). Bodl. Lib., MS Autog. e. 10, fos. 103, 120; MS Bryce 9, fos. 322–41; MS Eng. lett. d. 100, fo. 246r-v; MS Fisher 58, fos. 60–1. C[ambridge] U[niversity] L[ibrary], Add. MS 8116/I/G13–22 (Acton papers). James, Bryce, Studies in contemporary biography (1903), p. 274Google Scholar. For Leslie Stephen's ‘reverence’ of Gardiner, see Maitland, F. W., The life and letters of Leslie Stephen (1906), p. 368Google Scholar.

¹¹ Cf. Gardiner's review of Peter, Bayne'sThe chief actors in the Puritan revolution (1878), in The Academy, XIII (1878), 430–1Google Scholar.

¹² CUL, Add. MS 8119/I/G18 (Acton papers).

¹³ CUL, Add. MS 8119/I/G18; The letters of Lord Acton to Mary, daughter of the Right Hon.W. E. Gladstone, ed. Herbert Paul (2nd edn, 1913), p. 119; C. H. Firth, ‘S. R. Gardiner’, D.N.B., s.v.

¹⁴ Bodl. Lib., MS Eng. misc. d. 177 (Lee papers), fo. 147–r–v: Gardiner to Sidney Lee, 1 Jan. 1891.

¹⁵ Bodl. Lib., MS Autog. e. 10 (E. K. Chambers papers), fo. 120: Gardiner to Chambers, 19 Dec. 1887.

¹⁶ B.L., Add. MS 44512 (Gladstone papers), fo. 224r-v: Gardiner to Gladstone, 15 April 1891.

¹⁷ Bodl. Lib., MS Eng. misc. d. 177 (Lee papers), fo. I47r-v: Gardiner to Sidney Lee, 1 Jan. 1891.

¹⁸ Bodl. Lib., MS Bryce 9, fo. 334 V: Gardiner to Bryce, 24 June 1892.

¹⁹ Strick, D. E., ‘English historiography, 1859–90: a study of Froude, Freeman, Stubbs and Green’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1951), p. 90Google Scholar; cited in Philippa, Levine, The amateur and the professional: antiquarians, historians, and archaeologists in Victorian England, 1838–1886 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 151Google Scholar. For Gardiner's friendship with Bryce see B.L., Add. MS 44512 (Gladstone papers), fo. 224; Bodl. Lib., MS Bryce 9, fos. 322–3V, 328.

²⁰ Burrow, J. W., A liberal descent: Victorian historians and the English past (Cambridge, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosemary, Jann, The art and science of Victorian history (Columbus, Ohio, 1985)Google Scholar; Culler, A. D., The Victorian mirror of history (New Haven, 1985)Google Scholar; P. von Arx, Jeffrey, Progress and pessimism: religion, politics and history in late nineteenth century Britain (Cambridge, Mass., 1985)Google Scholar. There is a brief but perceptive discussion of Gardiner's work in Blaas, P. B. M., Continuity and anachronism: parliamentary and constitutional development in whig historiography and in the anti-whig reaction between 1890 and 1930 (The Hague, 1978), pp. 40–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. (I am grateful to Dr J. P. Parry for these last two references.)

²¹ References, unless otherwise stated, are to the 1987 reprint of the four-volume ‘cheap’ edition of 1893 (hereafter abbreviated as CW). The work had been first issued in three volumes, the volumes appearing separately in 1886, 1889 and 1891.

²² CW, III, 80.

²³ CW, III, 81.

²⁴ Collini, Stefan, ‘The idea of “character” in Victorian political thought’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. XXXV (1985), 29–50Google Scholar. Pocock, J. G. A., ‘Languages and their implications: the transformation of the study of political thought’, in Pocock, Politics, language and time (1972)Google Scholar; Burrow, J. W., Whigs and liberals: continuity and change in English political thought (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar, ch. 4, ‘Autonomy and self-realization: from independence to individuality’.

²⁵ Morley, John, ‘The life of Turgot’, Fortnightly Review, new ser. VIII (1870), 161Google Scholar.

²⁶ Spencer, Herbert, The principles of ethics (2 vols. 1893), II, 251Google Scholar;Hobhouse, L. T., Liberalism (1911; repr. New York, 1964), p. 61Google Scholar; both cited in Collini, , ‘The idea of “character”’, p. 31Google Scholar.

²⁷ Morley, John, The life of William Ewart Gladstone (3 vols., 1903), II, 480Google Scholar.

²⁸ The letters of George Meredith, ed. Hine, C. L. (3 vols., Oxford, 1970), II, 696Google Scholar, 858.

²⁹ Meredith, George, Evan Harrington (3 vols., 1861), I, 108; quoted in CW, IV, 287Google Scholar.

³⁰ CW, 1, 258; and cf. Gardiner's equally influential biography of Pym in the D. N. B.; on which see Bodl. Lib., MS Eng. misc. d. 177: Gardiner to Sidney Lee (editor of the D.N.B.), 6 Oct. 1894. Gardiner was not, of course, the only Victorian historian to draw attention to Pym; but it is Gardiner's interpretation of Pym's role which has come most to dominate subsequent research.

³¹ CW, I, 259.

³² CW, I, 14.

³³ CW, I, 256–7. On the ideas of the essayists, see Harvie, Christopher, The lights of liberalism: University liberals and the challenge of democracy, 1860–1886 (1976)Google Scholar. Burrow, , Whigs and liberals, p. 150Google Scholar.

³⁴ CW, I, 256–7.

³⁵ CW, I, 10–1 Cf. Morley's use of the term ‘mental indolence’ in On compromise (1874), p. 30; cf. p. 83.

³⁶ Harvie, The lights of liberalism, ch. 9, ‘1886 and after’. For Gardiner's publication plans in that year: CUL, Add. MS 8116/I/G20: Gardiner to Acton, 22 Jan.1886.

³⁷ CW, I, 258.

³⁸ CW, 1, 62, 63, 133, 178, 202.

³⁹ Cf. CW, I, 143: ‘The spirit of the commander gave force to the followers’.

⁴⁰ Adamson, J. S. A., ‘Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament’, in Morrill, john (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (1990), pp. 49–92Google Scholar.

⁴¹ CW, II, 79–80. The language in which the workings of Cromwell's mind is described is consistently eulogistic: ‘Cromwell instinctively perceived…’ (CW, II, 80); ‘Cromwell, whose capacity for seeing into the heart of a situation rarely failed him…’ (CW, IV, 57); ‘Cromwell at once perceived…’ (CW, IV, 115); cf. ibid. IV, 167.

⁴² Cf. CW, 1, 39, 62, 63, 133, 178, 202, 255, 256–7,259.

⁴³ Burrow, , Whigs and liberals, p. 89Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ CW, I, 143.

⁴⁵ CW, I, 190–1.

⁴⁶ CUL, Add. MS 8119/I/G18: Gardiner to Acton, 26 Feb. 1882.

⁴⁷ CW, I, 142; II, 65, 248, 320, 351; III, 80–1, 120, 146, 195–6, 295, 353; IV, 16.

⁴⁸ CW, i, 32; III, 60; cf. Montrose, II, 132–3, 351.

⁴⁹ CW, IV, 287.

⁵⁰ CW (1st edn), 1 (1886), 522; II (1889), 581: ‘Whether Cromwell and the Independents would succeed where the Presbyterians had failed…’ III (1891), 605Google Scholar. This epic theme is underscored by the use of classicized, formulaic phrases (Charles's ‘opponents in the field and senate’ ‘In the senate as in the field, [Cromwell] was always ready…’; ‘The divisions of the senate had spread to the camp…’): CW, I, 260 (my emphasis); II, 116, 117; cf. IV, 125: ‘in the field rather than in the senate…’. Cf. Cicero's similar ‘et in…et in…’ usage: Laelius de amicitia, 6: ‘Multa eius [Catonis]… et in senatu et in foro’. Gardiner, who held an Oxford first-class degree in Literae Humaniores, and who had just issued the first part of his annalistic history in ten books (1883–4), could hardly have been unaware of the obvious Livian parallels in structure and in theme: presenting the narrative in ‘decades’ of volumes; and narrating the nation's history in strict chronological sequence through the travails of civil war to the birth (in Restoration London as in Livy's Rome) of an Augustan age. Cf. King's College, Browning papers: Gardiner to Browning, 26 Nov. 1885; Bodl. Lib., MS Firth d. 6 (Gardiner's working notes), fos. 22V–23.

⁵¹ CW, III, 184.

⁵² CW, III, 330.

⁵³ CW, III, 332.

⁵⁴ CW, IV, 242. The terms offered to Charles were almost identical to those put forward in the summer of 1647 as the Heads of the Proposals, which Gardiner attributes to Cromwell and his son-in-law, Ireton, Henry (CW, III, 328–33)Google Scholar. Cf. the parliamentarian peace terms of December 1642, in which Gardiner sees the beginnings of ‘ministerial responsibility’ (CW, I, 78); and the proposals, attributed to Cromwell's friend and political ally, the younger Sir Henry Vane, for the Committee of Both Kingdoms, which contains ‘the first germ of a political union between England and Scotland’, and also ‘the first germ of the modern Cabinet system’ (CW, I, 307). Morley, in contrast, was more sceptical, recognizing that ‘The development of the English constitution has in truth proceeded on lines that Cromwell profoundly disliked’ (Morley, , Cromwell, p. 494)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Adamson, J. S. A., ‘The English nobility and the projected settlement of 1647’, Historical Journal, XXX (1987), 567–602CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ CW, IV, 329–30(my emphasis).

⁵⁷ Harrison, Frederic, Oliver Cromwell (1888), p. 129Google Scholar: ‘They killed the old monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or hereditary President’; quoted in the first edition of the Civil War, II (1889), 581 n. The passage was omitted in the revised edition of 1893.

⁵⁸ CW, IV, 42–3; for the same theme, cf. I, 108, 110, 257, 258, 11, 288.

⁵⁹ CW, I, 258.

⁶⁰ U[niversity of] L[ondon] Lib., I.H.R. MS 638 (Round papers), fos. 18V–19: Gardiner to Round, 21 Nov. 1893.

⁶¹ UL Lib., I.H.R. MS 638 (Round papers), fo. 32V: Gardiner to Round, 5 April 1898.

⁶² Morley, John, On compromise (1874; 2nd edn 1886)Google Scholar; page references are to the edition of 1874.

⁶³ CW, I, 10–11.

⁶⁴ Morley, , On compromise, pp. 30Google Scholar, 81–8; idem, Life of Gladstone, III, 466, 481. See also Kent, Christopher, Brains and numbers: élitism, Comtism and democracy in mid-Victorian England (Toronto, 1978), pp. 107–33Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Mason, T. W., ‘Nineteenth-century Cromwell’, Past and Present, XL (1968), 187–91Google Scholar; Blaas, , Continuity and anachronism, pp. 146–53Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Wright, W. Aldis, ‘The Squire papers’, English Historical Review, I (1886), 311–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Palgrave, Reginald, ‘Oliver Cromwell: his character illustrated by himself’, Quarterly Review, CLXII (1886), 414–42Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Palgrave, Reginald, ‘Carlyle, the “pious editor” of Cromwell's speeches’, National Review, VIII (1886–1887), 588–604Google Scholar; Jann, , The art and science of Victorian history, pp. 46–7Google Scholar. See also Gardiner's attack on Palgrave's own scholarship in the first edition of CW, III (1891), 584–85n.

⁶⁹ UL Lib., I.H.R. MS 638 (Round papers), fo. 14: Gardiner to Round, 14 Nov. 1893.

⁷⁰ Usher, R. G., A critical study of the historical method of Samuel Rawson Gardiner (St Louis, 1915), p. 14Google Scholar. Carlyle had been one of the earliest friends of Gardiner's father-in-law, Edward Irving, a friendship which dated from 1816: Neff, Emery, Carlyle (1932), p. 34Google Scholar. Cf. Morley's praise for the ‘genius and diligence’ of Carlyle: Morley, John, Oliver Cromwell (1900), p. 3Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Vogeler, Martha S., Frederic Harrison: the vocations of a positivist (Oxford, 1984), pp. 358–9Google Scholar.

⁷² Morley, Cromwell, p. V.

⁷³ Ibid. p. 1

⁷⁴ Burrow, , Whigs and liberals, p. 75Google Scholar; see also von Arx, , Progress and pessimism, pp. 141–59Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ CW, I, 27, 279–80; 285; III, 379.

⁷⁶ CW, I, 10–11, 27.

⁷⁷ Morley, , Cromwell, pp. 492–3Google Scholar; cf. On compromise, pp. 81, 212–13.

⁷⁸ CW, I, 27. Cf. for Gardiner's later, more critical view of Cromwell, CUL, Add. MS 8406/60: Gardiner to A W. Ward, 22 May 1900.

⁷⁹ Bodl. Lib., MS Bryce 9, fo. 331: Gardiner to Bryce, 26 May 1892 (my emphasis). Bryce later quoted a lengthy section of this letter in his Studies in contemporary biography (1903), p. 274 (biography of Freeman).

⁸⁰ Lubenow, W. C., Parliamentary politics and the home rule crisis: the British house of commons in 1886 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar

⁸¹ Gardiner, , ‘Leopold von Ranke’, The Academy, XXIX (1886), 380–1Google Scholar.

⁸² Ibid. p. 381. For the theme in general see Burrow, J. W., Evolution and society (Cambridge, 1966)Google Scholar.

⁸³ CW, I, 10. Morley made the same point in his celebrated biography of Gladstone: ‘Not for two centuries, since the historic strife of anglican and puritan, had our island produced a ruler in whom the religious motive was paramount to the like degree’: Morley, , Life of Gladstone, I, 2Google Scholar; for explicit comparisons between Cromwell and Gladstone see II, 287, 555.

⁸⁴ CW, I, 10–11.

⁸⁵ St Deiniol's Library, Hawarden, Clwyd, Gladstone's marginal annotations to Harrison's, FredericOliver Cromwell (1888)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Morley, , Life of Gladstone, III, 466–81Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Vogeler, , Frederic Harrison, p. 358Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ B.L., Add. MS 45880 (Misc. corr.), fo. 12: Gardiner to Andrew Ashcroft, 7 May 1882.

⁸⁹ Gilbert, W. S., Iolanthe: or the peer and the peri (first produced, 25 11 1882)Google Scholar, act II, printed in Gilbert, W. S., The Savoy operas (1926), p. 237Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ See, e.g., CW, I, 99, 244, 305, 329–30, 342, 355; II, 99, 105, 188, 190; III, 10.

⁹¹ CW I, 53.

⁹² CJ, II, 668–9; LJ V 204–6; B.L., Add. MS 33374 (Jones of Kellilysday papers), fos. 19V–20. Alnwick Castle, Northumberland MS XVI, fo. 57v; House of Lords R.O., M[ain] P[apers] 6/6/1643, fo. 35.

⁹³ CW, I, 307.

⁹⁴ CW, I, 305.

⁹⁵ CW, I, 131. ‘Energy’ is as much a term of art for Gardiner as virtù is for Machiavelli. It was the ‘stirring energy’ of the Puritans which enabled them ‘to shoulder their way through a crowd [which was] careless or contemptuous of all who separate themselves from their fellows by their views of the spiritual world’. CW, I, 285; cf. I, 314; II, 80, 340; el passim.

⁹⁶ King's College, Cambridge, Browning papers: Gardiner to Browning, 22 Mar. 1882; and cf. Gardiner's real surprise in finding a ‘stronger peace party in the Lords' than in the Commons in 1643 - further evidence of the peers’ desire for the ‘quiet life’: CUL, Add. MS 8116/I/G18 and G19: Gardiner to Acton, 26 Feb. and 5 Mar. 1882.

⁹⁷ The partial exception is Montrose, whose ‘ambition was closely intertwined with a nobler sentiment’, and whose ‘royalist’ credentials were compromised by the fact that he was more ‘the champion… of a diffused aristocracy’ than of an unconditional restoration of the king (CW, II, '32–3, 350).

⁹⁸ CW, I, 226. Cf. Collini, , ‘The idea of “character”’, p. 40Google Scholar. Throughout, Gardiner has a conventional Millite disdain for the nobility as a force of reaction: in Scotland the nobility supported the king ‘through jealousy of the new organization of the middle classes’; and it was evangelical religion (this time in the form of Presbyterianism) that enabled the middle classes ‘to throw off the yoke of the feudal nobles and ultimately to assert their own predominance’ (ibid.). Peers had no part to play in ‘clearing the ground’ for the edifice of the whig constitution; they appear alternately as timid, obdurate, ‘blundering’: CW, III, 218; cf. 254: ‘The Commons were too prudent to support the Lords in their indiscretion…’. See also CW, III, 78–9, 290. Gardiner frequently ignores the fact that what appears in his narrative as an assertive ‘initiative’ of the Commons was merely the rubber-stamping by the lower House of a controversial measure that had originated in the Lords. A case in point is the decision by the Commons in March 1646 (CW, III, 78–9), forbidding the City of London to influence legislation by the presentation of petitions to parliament - another example of the contrast between an assertive house of commons and a timid house of lords. It was, in fact, the Lords who took the lead in censuring the City authorities, as is abundantly clear from the parliamentary archive and the Lords Journal. The Commons followed the upper House's lead. House of Lords R.O., MP 11/3/1646, fos. 144–6. LJ, VIII, 207–8.

⁹⁹ Cf. CW, IV. 309n. The only document cited by Gardiner from this archive is the death warrant of Charles I, which had already been printed, in an accurate transcription, in 1872.

¹⁰⁰ Kishlansky, M. A., The rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar, makes a powerful case for the institutional influence of the peers during 1646–7, and is the first narrative account of that period to break decisively with the Gardinerian interpretation of the relationship between the Houses. Cf. also Adamson, J. S. A., ‘Parliamentary management, men-of-business, and the house of lords, 1640–49’, in A pillar of the constitution: the house of lords and British politics 1640–1784, ed. Jones, Clyve (1989), pp. 21–50Google Scholar. Further evidence, for the early years of the Long Parliament, is presented in Russell, C. S. R., The fall of the British monarchies (Oxford, forthcoming)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Russell for allowing me to read his book prior to publication.

¹⁰¹ Stone, Lawrence, ‘The revival of narrative: reflections on a new old history’, Past and Present, LXXXV (1985), 3–24Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Cf. CW, I, 1–14, 62.

¹⁰³ Russell, C. S. R., ‘The British problem and the English Civil War’, History LXXII (1987), 395–415CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁵ Freeman, E. A., The history of federal government in Greece and Italy (1893)Google Scholar; Acton, Lord, ‘The history of freedom in antiquity’ (1877)Google Scholar, in idem, The history of freedom and other essays, ed. J. N. Figgis (1909), quote at p. 20. Gardiner stayed with Freeman at his house in Somerset during the summer of 1884 while he was conducting research in the west country for the first volume of the CW: King's College, Cambridge, Browning papers: Gardiner to Browning, 25 July 1884; for Gardiner's ‘great admiration for Freeman’, see Gardiner to Bryce, 20 June 1892: Bodl. Lib., MS Bryce 9, fo. 332 r–v.

¹⁰⁶ CUL, Add. MS 8119/I/W114b (Acton papers): Gardiner to A. W. Ward, 1 Oct. 1899; and cf. MS 8119/I/W114.

¹⁰⁷ CW, I, 112.

¹⁰⁸ CW, I, 178.

¹⁰⁹ CW, I, 220–30.

¹¹⁰ CW, II, 120–1, 132–55; for Ireland see pp. 156–76.

¹¹¹ Lake, Peter, ‘Anti-popery: the structure of a prejudice’, in Conflict in early Stuart England: studies in religion and politics 1603–1642, ed. Cust, Richard and Hughes, Ann (1989), p. 72Google Scholar.

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¹¹³ CW, III, 200.

¹¹⁴ Cannadine, David, ‘British history: past, present – and future?’, Past and Present, CXVI (1987). 169–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Cannadine, , ‘British history: past, present – and future?’, p. 178Google Scholar; Plumb, J. H., ‘The historian's dilemma’, in Crisis in the humanities, ed. Plumb, J. H. (Harmondsworth, 1964), pp. 25–32Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁸ Tyacke, , ‘Puritanism, Arminianism, and counter-revolution’, p. 120Google Scholar: ‘Any doubt that the Church of England was doctrinally Calvinist, before Laud took control, can be resolved by reading the extant doctoral theses in divinity maintained at Oxford University…’; and cf. idem, Anti-Calvinists, ch. 2, ‘Cambridge University and Arminianism’, and ch. 3, ‘Oxford University and Arminianism’ (pp. 29–86).

¹¹⁹ Fletcher, The outbreak of the English Civil War; Morrill, J. S., ‘The religious context of the English Civil War’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. XXXIV (1984)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Sir William Brereton and England's wars of religion’, Journal of British Studies, XXIV (1985).

¹²⁰ Kishlansky, The rise of the New Model Army.

¹²¹ Underdown, David, Pride's purge: politics in the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar; Worden, Blair, The Rump Parliament, 1648–53 (Cambridge, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹²⁴ Quoted in Culler, , The Victorian mirror of history, p. 281Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Cf. Reeve, L. J., Charles I and the road to personal rule (Cambridge, 1989), p. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘[Gardiner's] masterly narrative remains the authoritative account of the events’. Cf. Eales, J., Puritans and roundheads: the Harleys of Brampton Bryan and the outbreak of the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1990), p. ixGoogle Scholar.