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The Diplomacy of Finance: British Financial Missions to The United States 1914–1918*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Kathleen Burk
Affiliation:
St Hugh's College, Oxford

Extract

It is a commonplace among historians of the First World War that during this period Britain and America changed positions as dorninant and subordinate financial powers. The great gap in the histories, however, has been any description of how this came about, Historians of the period have generally relied on one book, E. V. Morgan's Studies in Brtish financial policy 1914–1925 (1952), with the occasional use of Henry F. Grady's British war finance, 1914–1919 (1923). Both are very useful, and within its field Morgan in particular will be difficult to supplant; but within the context of Anglo-American relations they only treat one side of the stroy. It is clear that during the war Britain was dependent increasingly on American finance, private and later public, both to supply her civilian and military populations and to fight the war; and further, that by late 1916 decisions taken in America could have a direct bearing on British ability to finance her own operations. Once America entered the war this influence became even more direct. Negotiations over finance largely took place in America, by means of temporary and permanent missions. This article will describe the most important of these missions, and trace the gradual change in the balance of British and American financial power.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1979

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References

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31 Ibid. Keynes' memory was slightly at fault: the true figures were $17m, $8m and $4m. Minutes of the war cabinet, 9 Dec. 1916, Cab. 37/161/9.

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75 For a description of Reading's approach see Reading to chancellor, 14 Sept. 1917, T. 172/433. fo. 96; and Reading to chancellor, 17 Oct. 1917, T. 172/437, fos. 69–73. For McAdoo's response see McAdoo, Crowded years, p. 396. Reading to prime minister, war cab. and Balfour, 27 Oct. 1917; Reading to chancellor, 27 Oct. 1917; Reading to McAdoo, 28 Oct. 1917, Reading papers, India Office Library, F. 118/114.

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83 Keynes, ed. Johnson, xvi, 287.

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86 House to Wiseman, 25 Aug. 1917, Wiseman papers, 90/26.

87 See McAdoo's letter to the president of 30 April 1917, quoted above. The president himself wrote to House on 21 July 1917 that ‘…England and France have not the same views with regard to peace that we have by any means. When the war is over we can force them to our way of thinking, because by that time they will, among other things, be financially in our hands…’ House papers, Box 121.

88 In Oct. 1918 McAdoo nearly requested Lever's recall. He was forest by the considerations that if Lever returned to Britain, the British would probably treat him as an expert on the United States; further, asking for his recall without specifying charges might lead the Europeans to request the departure of Crosby from Europe in reprisal. McAdoo to Crosby, 18 Oct. 1918, U.S. Treasury papers, box 116, file GB 132.3 (not sent); ibid., Rathbone to McAdoo.

89 Departmen t of th e Treasury, Annual report of the secretary of the treasury on the state of the finances for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1919 (Washington, 1920).

90 France was never treated in the same manner as Italy and Russia, since she tried to maintain her position as an equal and pay her own way as far as possible. Keynes commented in March 1916 that Britain had only one ally, France, and that the rest were mercenaries (Keynes, ed. Johnson, xvi, 187). For details of French missions in America see Kaspi, André, Le temps des Américains: le concours américain á la France en 1917–1918 (Paris, 1976)Google Scholar.