Article contents
British Trade Unions and Popular Political Economy, 1860–1880
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
This paper is a study of the relationship between economic culture and trade union economic subculture during the years in which both the Victorian trade union movement and the classical economists' view of it reached their maturity. This period represented a turning point in the history of the movement, which achieved a full institutionalization and legitimation. The Webbs, and a historiographic tradition since them, maintained that these results were obtained at the price of a complete submission to the ideological hegemony of the bourgeoisie. In the 1960s R. V. Clements challenged this view and argued that such a subordination had never taken place, and that trade unionists had managed to keep their independent views – especially at the level of economic thought. Recent discussions have been content to stress the sound and ‘aseptic’ pragmatism of the working men, and the abstruse dogmatism of the economists. A footnote quoting Clements' article seems to be all that readers can reasonably ask for. The possibility of an alternative interpretation – namely, that classical economics could actually be useful to trade union strategies and interests – has not yet been sufficiently considered. The aim of this paper is to argue that there is much evidence in support of such an interpretation.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1987
References
1 , S. and Webb, B., History of British trade unionism (London, 1920)Google Scholar; Hobsbawm, E. J., Labouring men (London, 1964)Google Scholar. For a bird's eye view of trade union historiography see Musson, A. E., British trade unions, 1800–1875 (London, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lovell, J., British trade unions, 1875–1933 (London, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Clements, R. V., ‘British trade unions and popular political economy, 1850–1875’, Economic History Review, new series, XIV (1961–1962), 93–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar (see especially 94–7).
3 See for instance Musson, A. E., Trade unions and social history (London, 1974), p. 20Google Scholar; idem.British trade unions p. 54; Kirk, N., The growth of working class reformism in mid-Victorian England (London, 1985), p. 270Google Scholar.
4 Cf. Tholfsen, T., Working class radicalism in mid-Victorian Britain (London, 1978), pp. 278–9Google Scholar.
5 Kirk, N, The growth of working class reformism, pp. 245, 270–73Google Scholar; cf. Matsamura, T.The labour aristocracy revisited. The Victorian flint-glass makers, 1850–1880 (Manchester, 1983), pp. 7–8Google Scholar; see also Musson, A. E., British trade unions, pp. 50–2Google Scholar.
6 Cf. Reid, A., ‘Politics and economics in the formation of the British working class: a response to H. F. Moorhouse’, Social History, III, 3 (1978), 347–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Intelligent artisans and aristocrats of labour the essays of Thomas Wright’, in Winter, J. (ed.), The working class in modern British history Essays in honour of Henry Pelling (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 171–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also E. J. Hobsbawm, ‘Debating the labour aristocracy’ and ‘The labour aristocracy reconsidered’, in idem, Worlds of labour (London, 1984), pp. 214–26 and 227–53 respectively.
7 Clegg, H. A., Fox, A., Thompson, A. F., A history of British trade unionism since 1889, I, (1889–1910, (Oxford, 1964), p. 8Google Scholar; Kirk, N., The growth of working class reformism, pp 279ffGoogle Scholar.
8 Matthew, H. C. G., ‘Disraeli, Gladstone and the politics of mid-Victorian budgets’, Historical Journal, XXII, 3 (1979), 616, 636–8, 642–3Google Scholar; Jones, G. Stedman, Languages of class (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 177–8Google Scholar; McKibbin, R., ‘Why was there no Marxism in Great Britain?’, English Historical Review, XCIX (1984), 320–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 Dunning, T.J., Trades' unions and strikes. their philosophy and intentions (London, 1860), p. 3Google Scholar; cf. Pelling, H., A history of British trade unions (London, 1976), pp. 50–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Cf. Coltham, S., ‘George Potter, the junta, and the Bee Hive newspaper’, International Review of Social History, IX (1964), 391–432CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ibid, X (1965), 23–65.
11 See Gladstone's answer to a letter by Potter, G. (‘Mr. Gladstone and trades' unionists’, The Times, 15 01 1868, p. 10)Google Scholar: ‘I am not aware of having made any speech “denunciatory of Trades’ Unions”…. In my speech at Oldham I stated that unions of working men were in themselves rather to be commended than otherwise, and that if any objection had to be taken it must be to the abuse, and not the use, of such associations. I then objected broadly, for myself, to all rules which tend to limit the freedom of labour, or to produce an artificial equality among workmen, and this mainly on the ground of the injury which they do to the working class.
…On this and other points I am very desirous to be corrected and instructed by those better informed than myself…'. Gladstone then invited Potter and his fellow-unionists to send him a deputation with this aim, a request which labour leaders were only too happy to grant. After the meeting, which took place in February, The Times reported that Mr. Gladstone ‘had admitted that he had been misinformed in some particulars, and confessed that Trades' Unions were justifiable to a certain extent’ (report), ‘Mr. Gladstone and the Trades' Unionists’, ibid. 22 February 1868, p. 10.
12 ‘Northumbrian’, ‘Wages and Work’, Reynolds's Newspaper, 20 September 1874, p. 3.
13 McKibbin, R., ‘Why was there no Marxism in Great Britain?’, p. 320Google Scholar.
14 Ibid. p. 321.
15 Leading article, n.t., The Manchester Guardian, 23 September 1876, p. 7.
16 Cf. Briggs, A., ‘Robert Applegarth and the trade unions’, Victorian people (London, 1954), pp. 193–201Google Scholar.
17 Schwartz, P., The new political economy of John Stuart Mill (London, 1972), pp. 87, 90–1Google Scholar; Holt, W., A beacon for the blind, being a life of Henry Fawcett (London, 1926), pp. £117–23Google Scholar. Cf. J. S. Mill to S. H. Walpole, 29 January 1867, in the Mill-Taylor collection, Box of Additional Material, M452.
18 Musson, A. E., British trade unions, p. 37ffGoogle Scholar.
19 Smith, A., Wealth of nations (London, 1961)Google Scholar, book I, ch. VIII, ‘Of the wages of labour’. The passage concerning trade societies was extremely popular among unionists: see for instance the long quotations in Field, G. W., ‘Adam Smith on combinations of employers’, Bee Hive, 8 03 1875, P. 5Google Scholar; see also Dunning, T. J., Trades' unions and strikes, p. 7Google Scholar; and Sage, J., The memoirs ofjosiah Sage (London, 1951), p. 45Google Scholar.
20 Cf. Fawcett's, fundamental article ‘Strikes: their tendencies and remedies’, The Westminster Review, new series, XVIII (07 and 10 1860), 1–23Google Scholar.
21 Mill, J. S., Principles of political economy, in The collected works of John Stuart Mill (Toronto and London, 1965), III, 932Google Scholar.
22 Fawcett, H., Manual of political economy (London and Cambridge, 1863)Google Scholar; idem, The economic position of Ae British labourer (London and Cambridge, 1865)Google Scholar. Fawcett was very popular among the working classes: cf. Leading article, ‘Professor Fawcett on the Nine Hours Bill’, Lloyd's Weekly, 25 January 1874, p. 6, in which the author criticized Fawcett's position on that specific issue, but concluded: ‘At any rate, the view on the subject taken by Professor Fawcett should be considered in a friendly spirit; for working men have no truer, no more thoughtful friend than the learned member for Brighton.’ This opinion was shared by Frederic Harrison, who – as a contributor to the Bee Hive – stated: ‘Of all the professed economists of our time no one – not even Mr. Mill himself – has done as much to break down the narrow capitalist sophisms of the older school, as Henry Fawcett.’ (Bee Hive, 31 January 1874, p. 1.)
23 Leading article, n.t., The Leeds Mercury, 24 November 1866, pp. 2–3.
24 T. J. Dunning, Trades' unions and strikes, pp. 5–7.
25 J. S. Mill, Principles, p. 934, footnote: ‘Whoever desires to understand the question of Trade Combinations as seen from the point of view of the working people, should make himself acquainted with a pamphlet published in i860 under the title ‘Trades’ unions and strikes, their philosophy and intention’, by T. J. Dunning, Secretary to the London Consolidated Society of Bookbinders'…. There are many opinions in this able tract in which I only partially, and some in which I do not at all, coincide. But there are also many sound arguments, and an instructive exposure of the common fallacies of opponents. Readers of other classes will see with surprise, not only how great a portion of truth the unions have on their side, but how much less flagrant and condemnable even their errors appear, when seen under the aspect in which it is only natural that the working classes should themselves regard them.’
26 A. Knight to J. Head, n.d., Solly collection, vol. v, sect. 5, E66.
27 ‘Plain dealer’, ‘The tailors’ strike – The masters' meeting', Bee Hive, 4 May 1867, p. 4; and leading article, ‘The Royal Commission’, ibid. 29 June 1867, p. 4.
28 Harrison, F., ‘The Ironmasters' trade union’, Fortnightly Review, I (1863), 101Google Scholar.
29 Potter, G., ‘The trade societies of England, from the workman's point of view’, Contemporary Review, XIV (06 1870), 417Google Scholar; the quotation is from Mill, J. S., Principles, pp. 397–98Google Scholar.
30 Clements, R V, ‘British trade unions’, p 94Google Scholar
31 Dunning, T J, ‘Uses of trades' unions’, Bee Hive, 1 06 1867, p 1Google Scholar.
32 (Report) Speech by Gusthart, J, ‘Working men on strikes’, The Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, Supplement, 1 02 1868, p 1Google Scholar
33 ‘The ABC of social science, in twenty lessons, by a working man’, lesson XI, Bee Hive, 18 July 1868, p 1
34 Cf , S and Webb, B, History of British trade unionism, pp 254–5Google Scholar, and Coltham, S, ‘George Potter’, pp 397–8Google Scholar
35 Leading article, ‘The working classes’, Bee Hive, 13 January 1866, p 4
36 Harrison, F., ‘The good and evil of trade unionism’, Fortnightly Review, III (1965–1966), 44Google Scholar.
37 Clements, R. V., ‘British trade unions’, pp. 94, 97–8Google Scholar; Kirk, N., The Growth of working class reformism, pp. 270–4Google Scholar.
38 R. Knight to J. Head n.d., Solly collection, vol. v, sect. 5. E64; cf. on the subject a very interesting leading article, n.t., The Leeds Mercury, 7 June 1872, p. 2.
39 Taussig, F W, Wages and capital An examination of the wages fund doctrine (London, 1896), esp pp 205, 214–15, 224, 239–40Google Scholar, Schwartz, P, The new political economy, pp 90–101Google Scholar, McNulty, J P, The origins and development of labor economics A chapter in the history of social thought (Cambridge, Mass), 1980, pp 75–85Google Scholar
40 Schwartz, P, The new political economy, pp 70–5Google Scholar, cf Fawcett, H, The economic position, pp 119–20Google Scholar
41 However, Mill was to a certain extent personally responsible for this misinterpretation, and certainly he was considered so by most of his contemporaries See Taussig, F W, Wages and capital, PP 234–5Google Scholar
42 Dobb, M, Wages (Cambridge, 1968), pp 102–8Google Scholar
43 Rogers, J E Thorold, Six centuries of work and wages (London, 1884), p 525Google Scholar In spite of Rogers' zeal in the cause of labour, in previous years he had been one of the upholders of the wage fund theory: see idem, Manual of political economy for schools and colleges (Oxford, 1869), pp. 79–97.
44 Longe, F. D., 'A refutation of the wage fund theory in modern economy, as enunciated by Mr. Mill and Mr. Fawcett (London, 1866), 88 pp.Google Scholar; Thornton, W. T., ‘Stray chapters of a forthcoming work on labour’, Fortnightly Review, new series, II (1867), 477–500, 592–602Google Scholar; ibid, new series, III (1868), 77–88, 437–51, 520–536; idem, On Labour. Its wrongful claims and rightful dues. Its actual, present and possible future (London, 1868); idem, ‘The wages fund’, Nineteenth Century, I, 3 (1879), 293–307.
45 Mill, J. S., ‘Thornton on Labour and its claims’, Part I, Fortnightly Review, new series, VI (05, 1869), 505–18Google Scholar; and Part II, ibid. (June 1869), 680–700; now in idem, Collected works, v, Essays on economics and society, J. M. Robson (ed.) (Toronto and London, 1967), 631–69.
46 Ibid. p. 645.
47 Ibid. p. 646. Cf. Taussig, F. W., Wages and capital, p. 248Google Scholar. That could have happend through a prolonged and successful trade union campaign to obtain major increases of wages, in the hypothesis that the whole of the workforce were organized. In a fiscal and monetary context different from that of Victorian Britain, inflation would have vanified such an effort: but in the days of Mill the gold standard imposed a rigid control over the price of money. Moreover, free trade forced the employers to keep prices of manufactured goods at least as low as those of imported goods of the same kind and quality; otherwise consumers would have bought exclusively imported goods. Therefore, employers' profits and workers' wages had to come out of an amount of money the value and quantity of which could not have been easily increased or decreased by inflation, and bargaining was about the actual distribution of wealth.
48 Burt, T., Burt, Thomas, M.P., D.C.L., An autobiography (London, 1924), p. 94Google Scholar.
49 (Report) ‘Mr. Burt, M.P., on trade unions’, The Times, 17 May 1875, p. 13; and (report) ‘The Durham miners – great demonstration in the Durham race course’, The Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, 8 July 1876, p. 5 (Burt's speech).
50 Guile, D., ‘Trade societies, their necessity and influence’ (paper read at the Nottingham Trade Union Congress, 1872), Bee Hive, 13 01 1872, p. 12Google Scholar.
51 Review, not signed, of The economic position 0f the British labourer (London, 1865)Google Scholar, by Fawcett, Henry, Bee Hue, 3 12 1870, p 659Google Scholar In the tame review there was also discussed M G Fawcett's compendium of her husband's Manual of political economy It is worth remembering that H Fawcett, in The economic position, interpreted the wage fund in the strictest‘vulgar’sense. It has been argued that it was hawiett's dogmatic approach in this 1865 work which stimulated Mill's reaction and his eventual ‘recantation’ (see Schwartz, P, The new political economy, p 93)Google Scholar
52 Leading article, ‘Our political duty’, Bee Hue, 18 December 1869, pp 4–5
53 Cf Fisher, C and Smethurst, J, ‘War on the law of supply and demand the Amalgamated Association of Miners and the Forest of Dean colliers, 1869–1875’, in Harrison, R (ed), Independent Collier (Hassocks, 1978), pp 119ffGoogle Scholar
54 Jones, Lloyd, ‘The Trades' Congress’ Bee Hive, 25 01 1873, p 2Google Scholar
55 Idem, ‘Colliers' wages in Wales’, Bee Hive, 25 March 1873, pp 1–2
56 Idem, ‘Federation of Trades' Societies’, Bee Hive, 29 May 1875, p. 1.
57 Leading article, ‘The apotheosis of the working man’, Lloyd's Weekly, 28 September 1873, p. 1.
58 ‘Northumbrian’, ‘The prospect of wages’, Reynolds's Newspaper, 14 April 1878, p. 2. See also ‘Littlejohn’, ‘What are fair wages? – Delusions of economists’, Weekly Times, 1 September 1878, p 6.
59 Howell, G., ‘Books and reading, or a working man's library’, Bee Hive, 29 10 1873, P. 9Google Scholar
60 Mottershead, T., ‘Books and reading’, Bee Hive, 3 01 1874, p. 9Google Scholar.
61 Leading article, ‘Wage Fund’, ibid., 13 June 1874, p. 10.
62 Ibid.
63 G Howell, ‘Notes on books and readings, no 4, the science of political economy’, ibid, 7 November 1874, p 2, and Labour Press and Miners' and Workmen's Examiner, 7 November 1874, p 2 For the employers' point of view on the effects of the recantation see the journal of the National Federation of Associated Employers, Capital and labour, issue of 15 April 1874, pp 146–7, ‘Restrictions on industry’ (an unsigned article) The writer was very worried about trade unions ‘driving trade from the country’ by raising wages above their ‘natural’ level He showed a remarkable awareness of the danger that trade unionists might be ‘misled’ by ‘the Economists’ Economists, Capital and labour concluded, say that higher wages do not increase prices, but they should remember that they decrease profits, which is even more dangerous for the national economy
64 Evans, H, ‘Cavillers confounded, no 5, supply and demand’, Labourers' Union Chronicle, 20 09 1873, p 3,Google Scholar see also ‘A Sunderland engineer’, ‘What trades' unions can do’, Labour Press and Miners' and Workmen's Examiner, 29 August 1874, p 6
65 Leading article, ‘The principles of political economy’, Potteries Examiner, 15 May 1874, p 4 For a similar assessment of the works of J S Mill, Bentham, H Fawcett and W T Thornton see leading article, ‘Between two fires’, Potteries Examiner, 29 May 1875, p 4
66 Barton, F B, ‘Wages – part 1’, English Labourers' Chronicle, 13 10 1877, pp 1–2Google Scholar
67 Leaf, W., ‘Political economy’, Bee Hive, 2 09 1876, pp. 2–3Google Scholar.
68 Jones, Lloyd, ‘John Honeyman and trade unions’, Bee Hive, 23 12 1876, pp. 1–2Google Scholar.
69 Idem, ‘Mr. Rathbone, M.P., and the British workman’, The Industrial Review, 20 January 1877, pp. 1–2.
70 Ibid
71 Lloyd Jones, ‘The working man's situation’, ibid. 13 October 1877, pp. 1–2.
72 Ibid.
73 Howell, G., The conflicts of capital and labour historically and economically considered (London, 1878), P. 219Google Scholar
74 Ibid.p. 221.
75 Ibid.p. 220.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid.pp. 379–80.
78 Ibid.p. 392. That had been the case with the agitation of the London builders: eventually they gained the Saturday half-holiday, even if they failed to enforce the nine-hour day.
79 Ibid. p. 209.
80 Ibid. p. 197.
81 Ibid. p. 221.
82 G. Howell to Hamilton Hoare, 2 March 1876, Howell collection, Letter Books, IX, 457.
83 It may also be observed that The Operative Bricklayers Trade Circular – which Howell started and edited from September 1861 – bears no trace of an interest in theoretical economics and in the wage fund doctrine in 1861 or in the following years. Yet, according to the above quoted letter the question should have been ‘widely discussed’ between 1859 and 1862.
84 Schwartz, P., The new political economy, p. 95Google Scholar.
85 For an example of the contrasting reactions provoked by Mill's ‘recantation’ see Sterling, J., ‘Mr. Mill on trade unions – a criticism’, pp. 309–33Google Scholar; and Jenkin, Fleming, ‘The graphic representation of the law of supply and demand, and their application to labour’, pp. 152–86Google Scholar; both in SirGrant, A. (ed.), Recess studies (Edinburgh, 1870)Google Scholar.
86 There are many examples of Adam Smith's popularity, beyond the two quoted above (note 19). The library of George Edwards, an agricultural labourers' leader, included: the Bible, a Bible Dictionary, The lay preacher in 2 vols., the Dictionary of Dr Johnson, Harvey's Meditation among the tombs and Contemplation of the starry heaven, a History of Rome, and then – in the ‘economics’ section – Adam Smith, Thorold Rogers and Henry George (he did not specify the titles of the books to which he was referring, but almost certainly they were The wealth of nations, Six centuries of work and wages, and Progress and poverty: see Howkins, A., Poor labouring men (London, 1985), p. 50)Google Scholar. G. Howell too began his economic readings with The wealth of nations, and for a few years – possibly till the end of the 1850s – that remained the only book he knew on the subject (cf. idem ‘Autobiography’, 2, 46, in Howell collection). Even later he remained under Smith's influence, as he admitted in another passage of his ‘Autobiography’: ‘Economical works were more restricted. Adam Smith, James Mill and Ricardo were the chief, though I knew something of Malthus, McCulloch… But Adam Smith was the mainstay.’ (Ibid. ‘C. History, general literature and science’, p. vi.) However, J. S. Mill became gradually his favourite economist: he read Mill's works, received copies of them directly from the author, both for personal use and for distribution to working men's libraries (ibid. ‘Letter Books’, IX, G. Howell to W. Thomas, Esq., 4 May 1868, p. 426). But even in the 1870s Howell remained an admirer of Adam Smith and was always ready to defend him (ibid. ‘Plimsoll papers’, n.d., perhaps 1873, p. 259). Cf. also Thompson, E. P., The making of the English working class (Harmondsworth, 1981), p. 105Google Scholar, where it is argued that The wealth of nations and Paine's The rights of man were two ‘handbooks’ for working-class radicals even in the first decades of the century.
87 Humphrey, A. W., Robert Applegarth: trade unionist, educationist, reformer (London, n.d. (but 1914)), pp. 240–4Google Scholar.
88 ‘Howell, George’, in Dictionary of labour biography, Bellamy, J. M. and Saville, J. (eds.), vol. II (London, 1974), 190–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘;Potter, George’, ibid., VI (1982), 227–8; ‘George Odger’, Bee Hive, 7 June 1873, pp. 1–2.
89 ‘Burt, Thomas’, p. 60; and ‘MacDonald, Alexander’, p. 221; in Dictionary of labour biography, vol. I (1972)Google Scholar.
90 Coltham, S., ‘George Potter’, pp. 398–99Google Scholar.
92 Owen, W., ‘Arbitration between capital and labour – no. 1’, Bee Hive, 26 03 1870, p. 5Google Scholar; (no. 2), ibid. 2 April 1870, p. 103; (no. 3), ibid. 9 April 1870, p. 117.
93 A. A. Walton, ‘The social science congress and arbitration’, ibid. 15 October 1870, p. 548.
94 ‘Letters to statesmen and public men – arbitration v. strikes’, ibid. 24 September 1870, P. 497.
95 ‘Northumbrian’, ‘Law for labour – Licence for trade’, Reynolds's Newspaper, 28 March 1869, p. 2.
98 ‘Cowen, Joseph’, in Dictionary of labour biography, I, 82.
99 Leading article, ‘Partnership in industry’, Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, 21 APril 1866, p. 4.
100 (Report) ‘Working men on strikes’, speech by J. Kirk, ibid. Supplement, 1 February 1868, p. 2.
101 Parliamentary papers, XXXIX, 1867–1868, evidence given by MacDonald, A., 15 606, p. 53Google Scholar.
102 G. Howell to A. J. Mundella, 14 March 1868, Howell collection, Letter Books, IX, p. 361.
103 Applegarth, R., Annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners, 03 1869, P. 6Google Scholar.
104 ‘To the electors of the borough and hundreds of Aylesbury’, n.d. (but November 1868), Howell collection, Letter Books, IX.
105 ‘Parliamentary committee of the third Trade Union Congress (1871)’, 9 March 1871, A. MacDonald and W. Allan, pp. 2–6, Howell collection. ‘Fourth Trade Union Congress (1872)’, G. Potter, pp. 46–7, ibid.
106 Durham Miners' Association minutes, Council Meeting, 14 May 1875; in Metcalfe, G. H., A history of the Durham Miners' Association, 1869–1915 (Durham 1943), p. 93Google Scholar.
107 Dunning, T.J., Trades' unions, p. 52Google Scholar
108 (Report) ‘Miners’meeting at Henley’, Miners' and Workmen's Examiner, 19 April 1874, p. 1.
109 Ibid
110 Howell, G., The conflicts, p. 464Google Scholar.
111 Crompton, H., Industrial conciliation (London, 1876)Google Scholar.
112 (Report) ‘Great demonstration of miners in Durham’, Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, 22 June 1872, p. 8; and (report) ‘The Durham miners – great demonstration on Durham race course’, ibid. 8 July 1876, p. 5: see speeches by W. Crawford and T. Burt.
113 Clegg, H. A., Fox, A., Thompson, A. F., A history, pp. 17–25Google Scholar.
114 Ibid.
115 Ibid. p. 21.
116 Kirk, N., The growth of working class reformism, p. 272Google Scholar; see also , S. and Webb, B., History of British trade unionism, pp. 227Google Scholar and 337 for the extent to which conciliation and arbitration were popular among Victorian trade unionists.
117 Hamer, D. A., Liberal politics in the age of Gladstone and Rosebery (Oxford, 1972), p. 13Google Scholar.
118 Applegarth, R., Report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners (04, 1868), p. 14Google Scholar.
119 , S. and Webb, B., Industrial democracy (London, 1902), pp. 233 and 240–41Google Scholar; Sharp, I. G., Industrial conciliation and arbitration in Great Britain (London, 1950), pp. 3Google Scholar, 289; Odber, A. J., ‘The origins of industrial peace the manufactured iron trade of the north of England’, Oxford Economic Papers, new series, III (1951), 218–20Google Scholar, Church, R A, ‘Technological change in the hosiery board of conciliation and arbitration, 1860–1884’, Yorkshire Bulletin of Economic and Social Research, XV (1963), no 1, 51Google Scholar
120 (Report) ‘Leeds Chamber of Commerce – Mr Mundella, M P, on courts of conciliation‘, The Leeds Mercury, 2 February 1860, p 8
121 Ibid
122 Kirk, N, The growth of working class reformism, p 268Google Scholar, , S. and Webb, B., Industrial democracy, P 238Google Scholar
123 Mundella, A J, Arbitration as a means of preventing strikes (Bradford, 1868)Google Scholar, cited in , S. and Webb, B., Industrial democracy, p 224, footnoteGoogle Scholar
124 , S. and Webb, B., Industrial democracy, p 239Google Scholar
125 Ibid p. 224
126 Potter, G., ‘Conciliation and arbitration’, Contemporary Review, XV (08 1870), 550Google Scholar.
127 Ibid. p. 552.
128 Ibid. p. 561.
129 Ibid. p. 562.
130 Ibid. pp. 560–61.
131 McKibbin, R., ‘Why was there no Marxism in Great Britain?’, p. 320Google Scholar.
132 , Potter, ‘The trade societies of England’, pp. 546–50Google Scholar.
133 ‘ Leeds Chamber of Commerce’, 8.
134 , Potter, ‘The Trade Societies of England’, p. 566Google Scholar.
135 Howell, G, ‘Strikes and lock-outs, from the workman's point of view’, Contemporary Review, XV (08–11 1870), 54Google Scholar
136 Report, ‘Mr Brassev, M.P., in Newcastle Address on capital and labour’, Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, 14 October 1871, p. 5.
137 Harrison, F., ‘Mr Brassey on work and wages’, Fortnightly Review, XII (07–12 1872), 268–86Google Scholar; H Fawcett, ‘The effect of the increase of wealth on wages’, ibid XV (January–June 1874, 75–81. Faucett, like Harrison, was ready to accept Brassey's conclusions.
138 Brassey, T., On work and Wages (London, 1872), pp. 5–6Google Scholar.
139 Ibid. pp. 33–4.
140 Ibid. p 96.
141 Ibid. p. 74.
142 Harrison, F., ‘Mr Brassey on work and wages’, p. 286Google Scholar; Mundella, A. J. and Howell, G., ‘Industrial association’, Ward, T. H. (ed.), The reign of Queen Victoria, 2 (London, 1887), 77–8Google Scholar.
143 Baglioni, G., L'ideologia della borghesia industriale nell' Italia liberale (Torino, 1974)Google Scholar.
144 Hicks, J. R., ‘The early history of industrial conciliation in England’, Economica, X (1930), 37–8Google Scholar.
145 Howell, G., The conflicts, pp. 457–63Google Scholar.
146 Pelling, H., The origins of the Labour Party, 1880–1900, (Oxford, 1971), p. 82, footnoteGoogle Scholar.
- 31
- Cited by