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The Collapse of Resistance to Democracy: Conservatives, Adult Suffrage, and Second Chamber Reform, 1911–1928

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

David H. Close
Affiliation:
The Flinders University of South Australia

Extract

Successive governments in Britain took great steps towards a more democratic form of government between 1911 and 1928. Universal suffrage, first proposed tentatively by a government in the former year, was completed in the latter. In the same period, the house of lords - the rejuvenation of which was treated at least nominally as vital by both the Liberal government and the Conservative opposition in 1911 - was effectively relegated even by Conservatives to an unimportant role. The attitudes and policies of Conservative politicians towards these changes deserve study for diverse reasons. They were part of a national debate about the wisdom of progress towards democracy; and so they form an important chapter in the development of political attitudes. They also do much to explain both how the process of democratization occurred, and how post-war governments viewed the electorate, as Conservatives participated in or dominated governments for most of the years from 1915 to 1945. Finally, the importance of Conservative views has been overlooked by historians, because they have persistently pre-dated the trend to democracy in Britain and so underestimated the scale of controversy about it. These historiographical tendencies are illustrated by the still lingering myth that the franchise before 1914 was close to manhood suffrage, or by the hitherto general assumption that the reform bill of 1917–18 was uncontroversial.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1977

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References

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47 Originating in Kinnear, M., The British voter (London, 1968), p. 72Google Scholar, and accepted by Cook, C., The age of alignment (London, 1975), p. 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Professor N. Blewett has told me that, after making the same calculations as Kinnear, he found that they would not support the latter's conclusion that the Conservatives gained from the redistribution of 1917. Except by agriculturalists, there was apparently no complaint in 1917 or later about partisan bias in the redistribution.

48 Demonstrated by analyses, made for me by Mr R. Thornton, of the general election results of 1922 and 1923.

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55 Including, for example, A. J. Balfour, F. E. Smith, Sir G. Younger, Lord Hugh Cecil, Halford Mackinder, and, later, L. S. Amery.

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71 Dr Pugh (op. cit. p. 372), states that it had some such influence, without citing his evidence. The unimportance of this consideration is suggested by the fact that the leading Conservative peer outside the government, Lord Salisbury, briefly advised his fellows to disregard it (Debates, H.L., 5 Hansard XXVII (17 12 1917), 175–6).Google Scholar

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73 Interview between coalition leaders and N.U.A. Deputation, 6 May 1921, Cab. 27/113 [no pagination]; memorandum by N.U.A. to Baldwin, 6 Oct. 1925, Cab. 24/179/105.

74 Bridgeman diary (4 July 1919), p. 36; Salisbury to Selborne, 20 June, 15 Oct. 1924, Selborne papers, 6/162, 171; A. Chamberlain to Lloyd George, 4 Jan. 1922, enclosing memorandum by N. Chamberlain, Lloyd George papers, F/7/5/1; Lord Midleton to Baldwin, 9 Dec. 1933, Baldwin papers, 49/299.

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76 Memorandum by J. C. C. Davidson, 1 July 1927, Baldwin papers, 59/138–41.

77 Those who first entered parliament before 1918 (for example) formed six of the 87 backbenchers who signed amendments expressing opposition to the government, and 19 of the 101 who signed an amendment expressing support (The Times, 29 June 1927, p. 16Google Scholar; 30 June 1927, p. 16; J July 1927, p. 16; 2 July 1927, p. 12).

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83 Records of these activities exist in the Sir William Bull papers (House of Lords Record Office), 38/A/274–541, and the Baldwin papers, 68/257–83.

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88 Lord Stonehaven to Baldwin, 12 Jan. 1935, Ibid. 316–22; Bayford diary, 11 (12 May, 23 June 1932), 126; ‘List of members who agreed with the following postcard’ (n.d., probably June 1934), Steel-Maidand papers, GD 193/198; Salisbury to Steel-Maitland, 30 Dec. 1933, Ibid. 200.

89 The proportion of adult women unenfranchised was believed to be more than a third. See Butler, , pp. 1516Google Scholar; also Hubback, E. M., ‘The case for equal franchise’, Fortnightly Review, CXXIII (04 1928), 528–30.Google Scholar

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91 In one or more of the second-reading divisions of 1919, 1920 and 1922.

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95 Speech by Sir W. Perring M.P., 11 Nov. 1926, Baldwin papers, 52/116–17; Davidson to Baldwin, 14 Feb. 1928, Ibid. 198–201; The Times, 30 Nov. 1927, p. 9; 30 Jan. 1928, p. 12; 15 Feb. 1928, p. 14; 16 Feb. 1928, p. 14; 22 Feb. 1928, p. 14.

96 Butler, , pp. 33–4, 146–8.Google Scholar

97 Typed leaflet [by Sir L. Worthington-Evans] in a file on the 1929 election (proof of authorship lies in a transcript of an interview for The Graphic in March 1929 in box 14, under ‘W’ of an alphabetical file), Worthington-Evans papers (Bodleian Library, Oxford).

98 As did nine other pre-war suffragists, out of 27 former members of the 191 o parliament who voted against the flappers in 1919–22.

99 Memorandum by W. S. Churchill, 8 Mar. 1927, Cab. 24/185/80. It turned out to be 16–5 per cent (Buder, pp. 144–5).

100 Cab. papers, loc. cit.; Bayford diary, 11 (24 June 1927), 77; Marquess of Reading to Irwin, 30 Mar. 1928, Halifax Papers, Eur. C 152/18/52; Davidson to Irwin, 3 Dec. 1928, Ibid. 220; The Times, 30 May 1929, p. 8.Google Scholar

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102 5 Hansard CLXX, 859Google Scholar; Ibid. CLXXX, 1499–1500; Standing committee debates 1924, c. 499Google Scholar; Bayford diary, 11 (24 June 1924), 77; memorandum by Percy, 11 Mar. 1927, Cab. 24/185/84.

103 Ibid.; 36% of supporters and 22% of opponents had won their seats by majorities of under 11% of their own vote.

104 Bayford diary, Ioc. cit.

105 Memorandum by Lord R. Cecil, 11 Mar. 1937, Cab. 24/185/84.

106 Cab. 23/9/11; 23/66/6, note by Lord Cave in appendix.

107 Below, n. 109. The contemporary belief - tentatively retailed by Butler (p. 30, n. 2) - was that the cabinet had not discussed the matter at all. Certainly its behaviour was strangely casual. Although Joynson-Hicks gave a day's warning of his intentions, in the official motion which he tabled, none of his colleagues protested.

108 Memorandum by Davidson, 2 Mar. 1927, Cab. 24/185/87; Percy to Baldwin, 2 Apr. [1927], Baldwin papers, 52/145–52; table snowing replies of Central Office agents to a circular, Ibid. 138–42; Bayford diary, 11 (25 Apr. 1927), 100.

109 Memorandum by Churchill, 8 Mar. 1927, Cab. 24/185/80; memorandum by Percy and Lord R. Cecil, 11 Mar. 1927, Ibid. 84; memorandum by Joynson-Hicks, 14 Mar. 1927, Ibid. 89; Birkenhead to Irwin, 13 Apr. 1927, Halifax papers, Eur. C 152/3/35; Salisbury to Lord R. Cecil, 16 Apr. 1927, Cecil papers, 51086/34; Bayford diary, 11 (24, 27 Apr. 1927), 100.

110 Democracy on trial (London, 1931), p. 4Google Scholar; Morning Post, political correspondent, 14 Apr. 1927, p. 9.

111 G. Lane Fox to Irwin, 28 Apr. 1927, Halifax papers, Eur. C. 152/17/334; N.U.A. executive minutes (14 June 1927), p. 231; Davidson to Baldwin, 20 June 1927; Baldwin papers, 52/185; 5 Hansard cxxv (29 03 1928), 1412–13Google Scholar, Sanders, R. A.; Annual Register 1927, p. 99.Google Scholar

112 Central Office summary of Baldwin's post-election mail, Baldwin papers, 37/2.

113 5 Hansard CCXVII (7 03 1928), 68Google Scholar; Hansard, , Standing committee reports 1924, c. 507.Google Scholar

114 5 Hansard ccxv (29 03 1928), 1473.Google Scholar

115 Besides the comparative analysis shown in Table 1, one has been made of those who voted on the second reading of the flapper bill in 1924, with those who signed motions on house of lords reform in 1927. Lack of correlation with P.R. can be inferred from the types of arguments used on that issue.