¹ Hooker, Richard, Of the laws of ecclesiastical polity. An abridged edition, ed. McGrade, A. S. and Vickers, Brian (London, 1975), p. 342Google Scholar.

² Bennett, G. V., ‘The seven bishops: a reconsideration’, Studies in Church History, XV (1978), 285Google Scholar.

³ It is also poorly produced. Spelling mistakes abound, the right-hand justification is erratic and, most seriously, on pp. 152–3 a group of nineteen footnotes has been omitted from the text.

⁴ Bennett, G. V., The tory crisis in church and state 1688–1730. The career of Francis Atterbury, bishop of Rochester (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁵ In 1711, for instance, Trelawny regarded himself as a friend of the late ministry and entertained to dinner Trimnell, Nicolson, Blackburne, Kennett and Gibson, all prominent whigclergy. The London diaries of William Nicolson, bishop of Carlisle, 1702–1718, ed. Jones, Clyve and Holmes, Geoffrey (Oxford, 1985), p. 566Google Scholar.

⁶ The link would be even more striking if, as Smith asserts (p. 107), Trelawny had appointed Edmund Gibson to the archdeaconry of Surrey. In fact the appointment was made by Thomas Tenison, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had presumably selected the archdeaconry as his option on Trelawny's translation to Winchester. Bodleian Library, MS Ballard VI, fo. 109: Gibson to [Charlett], 15 June 1710.

⁷ Ward, W. R., Georgian Oxford. University politics in the eighteenth century (Oxford, 1958)Google Scholar.

⁸ On p. 356, for example, figures are given for the number of Oxford men to occupy high office in church and state ‘in this period’.

⁹ Conybeare, John, A defence of reveal'd religion against the exceptions of a late writer, in a book, intituled, Christianity as old as the creation, &c. (2nd edn, London, 1732)Google Scholar; Ward, , Georgian Oxford, p. 138Google Scholar; Trapp, Joseph, Popery truly stated, and briefly confuted. In three parts…As it was delivered in several sermons, preached at Christ-Church, London St Martin's in the Fields, Westminster and the Old-Jewry, London (London, 1726)Google Scholar; Potter, John, A discourse of church-government: wherein the rights of the Church and the supremacy of Christian princes are vindicated and adjusted (London, 1707)Google Scholar. For some evidence of the importance of these works, see Christian Remembrancer, XII (1830), 180, 571Google Scholar; The works of the rev. Daniel Waterland, D.D. (2nd edn, 6 vols., Oxford, 1843), IV, 415Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Stone, Lawrence, ‘The size and composition of the Oxford studentbody 1580–1910’, in The university in society, ed. Stone, L. (2 vols., Princeton, 1974), I, 3–110Google Scholar.

¹¹ Ibid. p. 6.

¹² Holmes, Geoffrey, Augustan England. Professions, state and society, 1680–1730 (London, 1982), p. 85Google Scholar.

¹³ Watson, Richard, A collection of theological tracts (6 vols., Cambridge, 1785), I, vii–viiiGoogle Scholar. I would like to thank Anthony Waterman for this reference and for allowing me to read his work on Malthus's theological training at Cambridge.

¹⁴ Gascoigne, John, ‘Mathematics and meritocracy: the emergence of the Cambridge mathematical tripos’, Social Studies of Science, XIV (1984), 547–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Green, John, A sermon preached at St Mary's before his grace the duke of Newcastle the chancellor, and the university of Cambridge on commencement Sunday, July 2, 1749 (Cambridge, 1749), p. 13Google Scholar, quoted in Gascoigne, , ‘Mathematics and meritocracy’, p. 568Google Scholar.

¹⁶ If the works of Oxford and Cambridge educated clergy are compared and one reads their homiletic and apologetic writings, rather than their political ones, it is the similarity of approach and argument, rather than the differences, which are most striking.

¹⁷ Sykes, Norman, Church and state in England in the eighteenth century (Cambridge, 1934)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ First, for example, on p. 101 it is asserted that Bishop Hoadly never visited the diocese of Hereford. In fact, he conducted a visitation there in 1722. Marshall, W. M., ‘Episcopal activity in the Hereford and Oxford dioceses, 1660–1760’, Midland History, VIII (1983), 116Google Scholar. Second, James ll's declaration of indulgence made it unlikely that the dissenting congregation at Yarmouthrisked being ‘put in prison’ (p. 121) for participating in an ordination service on 31 March 1688. Third, the account of Bishop Butler on p. 280 is riddled with errors, most of which could be corrected from the D.N.B. There is no evidence to suggest that Archbishop Blackburne was a ‘friend’ of Butler. Lord Chancellor Talbot presented him to the prebend at Rochester. Queen Caroline did not receive communion from Butler on her death-bed. She there charged Archbishop Potter, not George II, to see to his preferment and he did not receive the deanery of St Paul's until two years after being appointed to Bristol. Finally, the index isunreliable; Sir John Phillips, for example, is not included despite appearing in the text on a number of occasions.

¹⁹ E.g. the description of the Gregorian calendar (p. 141, n. 99).

²⁰ E.g. Butts, Robert, The charge of the right reverend father in God Robert lord bishop of Ely, deliver'd to the reverend the clergy of his diocese, at Cambridge, July 23, 24, 1740. At his primary visitation; and published at their request (London, 1740), pp. 16–17Google Scholar; Webber, Francis, A sermon preached in Lambeth-Chapel, at the consecration of the right reverend father in God John lord bishop of Bristol, on Sunday, Dec. 23, 1750 (Oxford, 1750), pp.9–11Google Scholar; Heylyn, John, A sermon preached in the chapel at Lambeth, December 3, 1738. At the consecration of the right reverend father in God Joseph, lord bishop of Bristol (London, 1738), pp. 10–17Google Scholar.

²¹ See, e.g. Hoadly, Benjamin, Several discourses concerning the terms of acceptance with God. In which I. The terms themselves are distinctly laid down as they are proposed to Christians in the New Testament. And II. Several false notions of the conditions of salvation are considered (London, 1711), esp. Preface and Sermon ixGoogle Scholar; and cf. Diary of an Oxford methodist, p. 35.

²² There were other links. In 1700 Samuel Wesley, senior, published a Letter concerning the religious societies on the value of religious societies in rural areas. Walsh, , ‘Religious societies, 1738–1800’, in Voluntary religion, p. 281Google Scholar.

²³ Walsh, J. D., ‘The origins of the evangelical revival’, in Essays in modern English church history, ed. Bennett, G. V. and Walsh, J. D. (London, 1966), pp. 132–62Google Scholar.

²⁴ Taylor, Stephen, ‘Church and state in England in the mid-eighteenth century: the Newcastle years, 1742–1762’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1987, pp. 31–2Google Scholar; Mather, F. C., ‘Georgian churchmanship reconsidered: some variations in anglican public worship 1714–1830’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXXVI (1985), 255–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ Chadwick, Owen, The Victorian Church. Part I (3rd edn, London, 1971), pp. 370–1Google Scholar.

²⁶ E.g. many of the parishes for which figures are missing were peculiar jurisdictions, outside the immediate control of the diocesan bishop.

²⁷ These attitudes were reciprocated; the preaching of some nonconformists attracted many churchmen. Articles of enquiry addressed to the clergy of the diocese of Oxford at the primary visitation of Dr Thomas Seeker, 1738, ed. Jukes, H. A.Lloyd (Oxfordshire Record Society, XXXVIII, 1957), pp. 55, 77 175Google Scholar; Caffyn, John, Sussex believers. Baptist marriage in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Worthing, 1988), pp. 101–29Google Scholar; Lovegrove, Deryck, ‘Idealism and association in early nineteenth century dissent’, in Voluntary religion, p. 316Google Scholar.