¹ “Repräsentative Demokratie in der Krise” was the topic of the 2012 meeting of the Vereinigung der Deutschen Staatsrechtlehrer, the association of public law professors from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. The following article is based on the author's contribution to the discussion. See Wahlrecht und Parlamentsrecht als Gelingensbedingungen repräsentativer Demokratie, Veröffentlichungen der Vereinigung der Deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer, 72 VVDStRL 191–267 (2012).Google Scholar

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⁶ Cf. Infratest dimap, ARD Deutschlandtrend, July 2010, 15 f; Sozialwissenschaftliches Forschungszentrum Berlin-Brandenburg, Sozialreport 98 (2010).Google Scholar

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⁸ Disaffected Democracies (Susan J. Pharr & Robert D. Putnam eds., 1987). See also Dalton, Russell J., Citizen Politics 245, 263 (4th ed. 2006); Norris, supra note 3, at 57; and (focusing on Great Britain) Vidya Ram, Public Attitudes to Politics, Politicians and Parliament, 59 Parl. Aff. 187 (2006); Susanna Kalitowski, Parliament for the People?, 62 Parl. Aff. 350 (2009); Ruth Fox, Engagement and Participation: What the Public Want and How Our Politicians Need to Respond, 62 Parl. Aff. 673 (2009); and (examining Norway) Margit van Wessel, Political Disaffection: What We Can Learn from Asking the People, 63 Parl. Aff. 504 (2010).Google Scholar

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¹² See Leibholz, Gerhard, Die Reform des Wahlrechts, 7 VVDStRL 159, 160 (1932) (pertaining to the belief in legitimacy, “Glaube des Volkes an den Legitimitätsanspruch der repräsentativen Instanzen”); David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life 278 (1965); Niklas Luhmann, Legitimation durch Verfahren 27 (2d ed. 1989).Google Scholar

¹³ See Gabriel, Oscar W. & Kersting, Norbert, Partizipation auf kommunaler Ebene, in Partizipation im Wandel 109 (Bertelsmann Stiftung & Staatsministerium Baden-Württemberg eds., 2014); Köcher, supra note 7; Sozialwissenschaftliches Forschungszentrum, supra note 6, at 102.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Dahl, Robert A., On Democracy 93 (1998) (acknowledging that the necessity of elites in complex societies has to be accepted even by those who ask for more participation in a “polyarchy”).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cf. Heller, Hermann, Politische Demokratie und soziale Homogenität, in Grundprobleme der Demokratie 6 (Ulrich Matz ed., 1973) (originally 1928) (discussing the necessity of “social homogeneity” during the Weimar Republic). See also Carl Schmitt, Die Geistesgeschichtliche Lage des Heutigen Parlamentarismus 14 (2d ed. 1926) (“Zur Demokratie gehört also notwendig erstens Homogenität und zweitens—nötigenfalls—die Ausscheidung oder Vernichtung des Heterogenen.”).Google Scholar

¹⁶ See, e.g., Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG] [Federal Constutional Court] Feb. 15, 1978, 47 Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts [BVerfGE] 253 (275); 52 BVerfGE 95 (130); 68 BVerfGE 1 (88); 77 BVerfGE 1 (40); 83 BVerfGE 60 (72); 89 BVerfGE 155 (182); 93 BVerfGE 37 (66); Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Demokratie und Repräsentation, in Staat, Verfassung, Demokratie 379, 389 (1991); Eberhard Schmidt-Aßmann, Verwaltungslegitimation als Rechtsbegriff, AöR 116, 239–355 (1991).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. Pennock, J. Renold, Responsiveness, Responsibility, and Majority Rule, 46 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 790 (1952); Heinz Eulau et al., The Role of the Representative, 53 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 742, 746 (1959); Hanna F. Pitkin, The Concept of Representation 209 (1967); Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition 1 (1971); Heinz Eulau & Paul D. Karps, The Puzzle of Representation: Specifying Components of Responsiveness, in The Politics of Representation 55, 62 (Heinz Eulau & John C. Wahlke eds., 1978) (distinguishing between “policy responsiveness,” “service responsiveness,” “allocation responsiveness,” and “symbolic responsiveness”); Larry Diamond & Leonardo Morlino, The Quality of Democracy, 15 J. Democracy 20, 27 (2004). Meanwhile, even the German Bundesverfassungsgericht refers to the term. See, e.g., BVerfGE 131, 152 (205). For an empirical study with respect to the German Bundestag, relativating the accusation of not beeing responsive enough, see Frank Brettschneider, Abgehoben oder bürgernah? Die Responsivität des Deutschen Bundestages, in Der Deutsche Bundestag im Wandel 258, 264 (Heinrich Oberreuter et al. eds., 2001).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law], May 23, 1949, art. 38(I)(2).Google Scholar

¹⁹ See Scharpf, Fritz W., Demokratietheorie zwischen Utopie und Anpassung 21 (2d ed. 1975).Google Scholar

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²¹ Compare James. M. Burns, Leadership (1978), with Joseph. S. Nye, Jr., The Powers to Lead (2008), Mark T. Fliegauf, Andreas Kießling, & Leonard Novy, Leader und Follower, ZPol 399 (2008), and Political Leadership, (Annette Zimmer & Regina Jankowitsch eds., 2008); Nannerl O. Keohane, Thinking About Leadership 155 (2010), and Barbara Kellerman, Bad Leadership: What It Is, How It Happens, Why It Matters (2008).Google Scholar

²² Etzioni, Amitai, The Active Society: A Theory of Societal and Political Processes (1968).Google Scholar

²³ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 38(I)(1).Google Scholar

²⁴ Eulau et al., supra note 17 at 746 (regarding the different “styles of representation”).Google Scholar

²⁵ Burke, Edmund, Speech to the Electors of Bristol, 3^rd November 1774, in Select Works of Edmund Burke (1999); see generally David Beetham, Political Participation, Mass Protest and Representative Democracy, 56 Parl. Aff. 597 (2003) (giving background).Google Scholar

²⁶ See Greiffenhagen, Martin & Greiffenhagen, Sylvia, Ein Schwieriges Vaterland—Zur Politischen Kultur in Deutschland 73 (1993).Google Scholar

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²⁸ Pitkin, , supra note 17, at 224. See also Dahl, supra note 14, at 69 (arguing against a paternalistic “guardianship” in respect to the “common good”).Google Scholar

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³⁰ See Pitkin, , supra note 17, at 209 (“The representative must act in such a way that there is no conflict, or if it occurs an explanation is called for. He must not be found persistently at odds with the wishes of the represented without good reason in terms of their interest, without a good explanation of why their wishes are not in accord with their interests.”).Google Scholar

³¹ Almond, Gabriel A. & Verba, Sydney, The Civic Culture 29 (1965) (giving the international comparative perspective, as well as explaining the mixture from “participant culture” and “parochial culture”). See also Russell. J. Dalton & Hans-Dieter Klingemann, Citizens and Political Behavior, in Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior 6 (Russell J. Dalton & Hans-Dieter Klingemann eds., 2007).Google Scholar

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³³ Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, Du Contrat Social Ou principes du Droit Politique, (1762) at Livre 3, Chapitre XV (“Des députés ou représentants ”“Le peuple anglais pense être libre; il se trompe fort, il ne l'est que durant l'élection des membres du parlement; sitôt qu'ils sont élus, il est esclave, il n'est rien. Dans les courts moments de sa liberté, l'usage qu'il en fait mérite bien qu'il la perde.”).Google Scholar

³⁴ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 20(II).Google Scholar

³⁵ See Fraenkel, Ernst, Möglichkeiten und Grenzen Politischer Mitarbeit der Bürger in einer modernen Parlamentarischen Demokratie, in Deutschland und die Westlichen Demokratien 283 (Ernst Frankel ed., 2011). See also (for an international perspective) Paul Sniderman, A Question of Loyalty 47 (1981); Dalton & Klingemann supra note 31; John Keane, The Life and Death of Democracy 585 (2009); James S. Fishkin, When People Speak: Deliberative Democracy and Public Consultation 45 (2009).Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf., e.g., 2 BVerfGE 1 (11 ff.); 20 BVerfGE 56 (101); 44 BVerfGE 125 (145 f.); 52 BVerfGE 63 (82); 60 BVerfGE 53 (61 f., 66 f.); 73 BVerfGE 40 (85); 85 BVerfGE 264 (284); 91 BVerfGE 262 (268 f.). See also Rogers, supra note 10, at 604 (focusing on Great Britain.)Google Scholar

³⁷ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 21(I)(1).Google Scholar

³⁸ See, e.g., 7 BVerfGE 198 (208); 20 BVerfGE 56 (97 f.); 20 BVerfGE 162 (174); 27 BVerfGE 71 (81); 62 BVerfGE 230 (247); 69 BVerfGE 315 (345); 71 BVerfGE 206 (219 f.); 76 BVerfGE 196 (208).Google Scholar

³⁹ See Schumpeter supra note 32, at 416 (“So fällt der typische Bürger auf eine tiefere Stufe der gedanklichen Leistung, sobald er das politische Gebiet betritt. Er argumentiert und analysiert auf eine Art und Weise, die er innerhalb der Sphäre seiner wirklichen Interessen bereitwillig als infantil anerkennen würde. Er wird wieder zum Primitiven.”).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Luhmann, , supra note 12, at 166 (stating that not participating at elections may be rational against this background).Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Sozialwissenschaftliches Forschungszentrum, supra note 6, at 104.Google Scholar

⁴² Putnam, Robert D., Bowling Alone: The Colapse and Revival of American Community (2000) (complaining about the loss of “social capital” in the U.S.).Google Scholar

⁴³ Sniderman, , supra note 35, at 13 (giving an international perspective to a “balanced judgment”); Keane supra note 35, at 85 (“monitory democracy”); Ralf Dahrendorf, Fundamentale und Liberale Demokratie, in Für eine Erneuerung der Demokratie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 31 (Ralf Dahrendorf ed., 1968) (describing the importance of “latent publicity”—latente Öffentlichkeit).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Luhmann, , supra note 12, at 30 (“Generelle Anerkennung, die unabhängig ist vom Befriedungswert der einzelnen Entscheidung”). See also Easton, supra note 12, at 272-78 (explaining the necessity of “diffuse support” in contrast to the “specific support”).Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Cf. 44 BVerfGE 125 (139); 89 BVerfGE 155 (185); 97 BVerfGE 350 (369); Vivien A. Schmidt, Democracy in Europe, Persp. on Pol. 761, 768 (2005) (giving a European perspective on “government with the people”).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ 45 BVerfGE 297 (335) (“Die Notwendigkeit eines Gesprächs zwischen Verwaltung und Bürger entspricht dem grundgesetzlichen Verständnis der Stellung des Bürgers im Staat.”). See also Pünder, Hermann, German Administrative Procedure in a Comparative Perspective: Observations on the Path to a Transnational ius commune proceduralis in Administrative Law, 11 Int‘l J. Cons‘t L. 940 (2013); Hermann Pünder, Administrative Procedure–Mere Facilitator of Material Law versus Cooperative Realization of Common Welfare, in Debates in German Pub. L. 239 (Hermann Pünder & Christian Waldhoff eds., 2014); Hermann Pünder, Verwaltungsverfahren, in Allgemeines Verwaltungsrecht § 13, note 12 (Dirk Ehlers & Hermann Pünder eds., 15th ed. 2015) (describing the importance of procedure).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Cf. 40 BVerfGE 237 (249); 40 BVerfGE 296 (327); 70 BVerfGE 324 (355, 358); 84 BVerfGE 304 (329); 89 BVerfGE 155 (185); 97 BVerfGE 350 (369); 103 BVerfGE 44 (63); 130 BVerfGE 318 (344); 131 BVerfGE 152 (204 ff.).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Nye, , supra note 21 (differentiating between “hard,” “soft,” and a mixture from both —“smart power”).Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Burns, , supra note 21.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Questions of the appropriate “Legitimationsniveau” are discussed in Germany so far only in respect to the democratic legitimation of the administration but not in respect to the legislature. See, e.g., 83 BVerfGE 60 (72); 93 BVerfGE 37 (66 f.); 107 BVerfGE 59 (87); Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Demokratie als Verfassungsprinzip, in Handbuch des Staatsrechts § 24, notes 16, 22 (Josef Isensee & Paul Kirchhof eds., 3d ed. 2004)Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ See Vowles, Jack, Introducing Proportional Representation: The New Zealand Experience, 53 Parl. Aff. 680 (2000); Thomas Carl Lundberg, Second-Class Representatives? Mixed-Member Proportional Representation in Britain, 59 Parl. Aff. 60 (2006).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See Jesse, Eckhard, Wahlrecht zwischen Kontinuität und Reform 91, 144, 169 (1985) (giving details of the debate). See also Der Parlamentarische Rat: Akten und Protokolle, (Deutscher Bundestag & Bundesarchiv eds., 1994) (discussion around drafting the Grundgesetz).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Compare for the old debate John S. Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (1868) (promoting the proportional system), with Walter Bagehot, The English Constitution (1867) (promoting the majority system).Google Scholar

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⁶² Cf. 95 BVerfGE 335 (352). See also for an international comparative perspective Paul Mitchell, Voters and Their Representatives, 37 Eur. J. Pol. Res. 335, 340 (2000) (referring to the Principal-Agent theory); Kathleen Bawn & Michael F. Thies, A Comparative Theory of Electoral Incentives, J. Theoretical Pol. 5 (2003); Lundberg, supra note 57 (discussing the situation in Great Britain).Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Dürig, Günter, Zur Neugestaltung des Bundestagswahlrechts 58 (Bundesministerium des Inneren ed., 1968); Rainer Bakker, Verfassungswidrigkeit des Mehrheitswahlrechts, ZRP 457, 459 (1994).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Cf. 1 BVerfGE 208 (246 f., 248–58); 6 BVerfGE 84 (90); B34 VerfGE 81 (100); 95 BVerfGE 335 (349, 352 ff., 370); 121 BVerfGE 266 (295 f., 297); 131 BVerfGE 316 (336 ff.) (showing electoral rule of equality). See also 129 BVerfGE 300 (349 f.) (Di Fabio, U., Mellinghoff, R., dissenting).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Lijphart, Arend, Patterns of Democracy 258, 275 (1999).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Niedermayer, Oskar, Die Erosion der Volksparteien, ZfP 264 (2010).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See, e.g., Antoni, Michael, Die Legende von Weimar, DuR 402 (1979); Ernst Becht, Die 5%-Klausel im Wahlrecht 94 (1990).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See, e.g., 120 BVerfGE 82 (113 ff.).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ 135 BVerfGE 259. See also 129 BVerfGE 300 (discussing the five percent limitation clause in federal elections, with a dissenting opinion of the justices R. Mellinghoff and U. Di Fabio).Google Scholar

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⁷³ Australia, Malta, the Republic of Ireland and Iceland as well as on the local level in New Zealand and Scotland. In Great Britain the introduction of a supplementary vote failed via referendum. Critically Ken Ritchie & Allesandro Gardini Putting Paradoxes into Perspective—In Defense of the Alternative Vote, in Electoral Systems: Paradoxes, Assumptions, and Procedures 275 (Dan Felsenthal & Moshé Machover eds., 2012).Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ See Schüttemeyer, Suzanne & Sturm, Roland, Der Kandidat—das (fast) Unbekannte Wesen, ZParl 539, 548 (2005); Philip Manow, Wiederwahlwahrscheinlichkeiten im System der personalisierten Verhältniswahl, ZPol 147 (2008).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ 3 BVerfGE 45 (50 f.); 7 BVerfGE 63 (67 ff.); 21 BVerfGE 355; 47 BVerfGE 253 (283); 122 BVerfGE 304 (314); 90 BVerfGE 97. But see Hans-Herbert v. Arnim, Wählen wir unsere Abgeordneten unmittelbar?, JZ 578 (2002) (believing in such a constitutional violation).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Mitchell, , supra note 62.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Cf. the legislative proposal of Bündnis90/Die Grünen (BT-Drs. 11/5918) und the PDS (BT-Drs. 13/3523). The Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform BT-Drs. 7/5924, 17, favored for limited open lists. “Cummulation”, however, was rejected.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Sifry, Micah L., Give The People a Choice, The Nation 221 (1990); Olivier Durand, Le Vote Blanc: Pour un Suffrage Vraiment Universel (1999); Diplock, supra note 9, at 723; Adélaïde Zulfikarpasic, Le Vote Blanc—Abstention Civique ou Expression Politique?, 51 Revue Française de Science Politique 247 (2001). The Bundesverfassungsgericht has stressed that there is no constitutional right to a protest vote (NVwZ 2012, 161).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Bundeswahlgesetz [BWahlG] [Federal Election Law] §§ 21(1) & 27(5) (stating political parties can decide whether they nominate the candidates by representatives or directly by all party members).Google Scholar

⁸² Compare the legislative proposal of the Federal Government coalition of the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 14/3764. Critically Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform BT-Drs. 7/5924, 15 ff.; James Hillson Cohen, Political Candidate Nominations—A Comparative Study of the Law of Primaries and German Party Candidate Nominating Procedures, 18 JöR n.F. 491, 500 (1969); to the discussion in Great Britain, Rogers, supra note 10, at 607.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ See Mackenrodt, Christian, Wie wichtig ist die Person?, ZParl 69 (2008).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Borchert, Jens, Die Professionalisierung der Politik 216 (2003) (favoring open preliminaries); Andrea Römmele, Elitenrekrutierung und die Qualität politischer Führung, 51 ZfP 259, 266 (2004) (explaining the United States perspective).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ This reform was realized in Austria in respect to the Nationalrat in 2007 (Art. 27 Abs. 1 B-VG). In the German Bundesländer, the electoral period is mostly five years. Against any reform in this respect, Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform BT-Drs. 7/5924, 38 (with a dissenting opinion by H. Lemke).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Supra Section D. II.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Beyme, Klaus von, Zusammenlegung von Wahlterminen: Entlastung der Wähler—Entlastung der Politik?, ZParl 339 (1992); Michael Sitsen, Anreiz für Bürger, Entlastung für Politiker? Zur Bündelung von Wahlterminen, ZParl 602 (2007).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Against that Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform BT-Drs. 7/5924, 46.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ There have been several parliamentary initiatives in this direction. See BT-Drs. 15/1544; BT-Drs. 15/4788; BT-Drs. 16/9868.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Reimer, Franz, Nachhaltigkeit durch Wahlrecht?, ZParl 322 (2004); Michael Rolfsen, Eine Stimme für die Zukunft?, DÖV 348 (2009). But see also BVerfG, NVwZ 69 (2002) (leaving this question open).Google Scholar

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⁹³ Hermann, Michael C., Wahlkampf und Jugendliche, ZParl 818 (2010).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See NRWO § 41(1).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ The Bundesverfassungsgericht has stated that there is a legally necessary link between the notion of “the people” in GG art. 20(2) and the German citizenship; 83 BVerfGE 37 (50); 83 BVerfGE 60 (71); 107 BVerfGE 59 (87). As far as the Court sticks to that opinion (which is not beyond doubt), the only possibility is to ease the naturalization by a dual citizenship. See also Dahl, supra note 14, at 76 (describing an “inclusive” citizenship).Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ See supra note 38 (concerning the fundamental rights of communication). Concerning the American constitutional law Andrew P. Thomas, Easing the Pressure on Pressure Groups—Toward a Constitutional Right to Lobby, 16 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 149 (1993); S. A. Browne, The Constitutionality of Lobby Reform—Implicating Associational Privacy and the Right to Petition the Government, 4 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 717 (1996); Stacie L. Fatka & Jason M. Levien, Protecting the Right to Petition: Why a Lobbying Contingency Fee Prohibition Violates the Constitution, 35 Harv. J. on Legis. 559 (1998).Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ See the legislative proposals of the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, BT-Drs. 17/6442, 2, and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 17/2486, 2. Incomplete and wrong information should result in the deprivation of privileges or in fines. Imprisonment sentences—like in the U.S.—seem not to be necessary.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ See Ainsworth, Scott, Regulating Lobbyists and Interest Group Influence, 55 J. Pol. 41 (1993) (referencing “game theory”).Google Scholar

¹⁰² Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 38 (1)(2).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ See, e.g., the legislative proposal of the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, BT-Drs. 17/6442. Like here the legislative proposal of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 17/2486.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Chari, , supra note 99, at 61.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ In the actual law there is no legal claim to participate in public hearings of the Bundestag (“öffentlichen Anhörungssitzungen”). See Nr. 4 of appendix 2 to the Geschäftsordnung des Deutschen Bundestages [GO-BT] [Rules of Procedure of the German Bundestag].Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Similarly—but restricted to lobbyists—the legislative proposal of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 17/2486, 5.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ See the recently reformed Strafgesetzbuch [StGB] [Penal Code] §108 (e).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ See Kolbe, Andreas et al, Marktordnung für Lobbyisten 57 (2011); Hans-Jörg Schmedes, Mehr Transparenz wagen? Zur Diskussion um ein gesetzliches Lobbyregister, ZParl 543, 548 (2009). Against that Christian Lange, Lobbyistenregister in Deutschland?, RuP 198 (2011).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Cf. the legislative proposal of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 17/2486, 3, 5.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ See Gemeinsame Geschäftsordnung der Bundesministerien [GGO] [Joint Rules of Procedure of the Federal Ministries] §§ 47–48.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 42(I)(1).Google Scholar

¹¹² Cf. Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform, BT-Drs. 7/5924, 80; Ad-hoc-Kommission Parlamentsreform, BT-Drs. 10/3600, 10. To the decision-making in parliamentary committees, see supra Section D. III. 1.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cf. also 40 BVerfGE 296 (318).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Cf. Abgeordnetengesetz [AbG] [Delegates' Law] § 44a Abs. 4 S. 1, § 44b Nr. 1 und 2; GO-BT § 18, and §§ 1–4 of the “Verhaltensregeln für Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages” [Rules of Conduct for the Delegates] (appendix 1 to GO-BT). See also 135 BVerwGE 77; 118 BVerfGE 277.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See Käßner, Anne, Nebentätigkeiten und Nebeneinkünfte der Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages 155 (2010).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 12.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 38(I)(2).Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See 118 BVerfGE 277 (333); but see 118 BVerfGE 277 (338) (W. Hassemer, U. Di Fabio, R. Mellinghoff and H. Landau, dissenting). Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ See AbgG § 44d Abs. 1.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Kolbe, , supra note 108, at 50.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Cf. Davis, , supra note 99, at 362.Google Scholar

¹²² Cf. Sozialwissenschaftliches Forschungszentrum, supra note 6, at 102.Google Scholar

¹²³ Id. at 100.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] art. 17.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cf. the rules of procedure (Verfahrensgrundsätze) enacted by the Petition committee on the basis of § 110 Abs. 1 GOBT (Nr. 4 I 2, Nr. 2.2. IV, Nr. 8.4 IV). For details, see Annette Guckelberger, Neue Erscheinungen des Petitionsrechts, DÖV 85 (2008); for an evaluation in a political science perspective, see Jungherr, Andreas & Jürgens, Pascal, E-Petitionen in Deutschland, ZParl 523 (2011).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Cf. Ulrich Riehm et al., Bürgerbeteiligung durch E-Petitionen 253, 259 (2009) (giving further reform suggestions). The British www.fixmystreet.com could serve as a role model.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ See Saalfeld, Thomas, Parliament und Citizens in Germany, in Parliaments and Citizens in Western Europe, 43, 51 (Philip Norton, ed., 2002).Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Cf. the legislative proposal of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, BT-Drs. 13/3578.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ See GO-BT §§ 12, 57, 58. To the constitutional rule according to which the committees have to “mirror” Parliament politically, 80 BVerfGE 188 (222); 84 BVerfGE 304 (323); 96 BVerfGE 264 (283); 112 BVerfGE 118 (133).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See GO-BT § 112 Abs. 1.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Cf. Marschall, Stefan, Parlamentarismus 117 (2005).Google Scholar

¹³² See (discussing Great Britain) Fox, supra note 8, at 682; Peter Riddell, In Defence of Politicians: In Spite of Themselves, 63 Parl. Aff. 545, 554 (2010).Google Scholar

¹³³ Compare Tenscher, Jens & Will, Laura, Abgeordnete Online?, ZParl 504 (2010) with Ross Ferguson, Convergent Evolution: The Development of Online Engagement in Westminster and Whitehall, 61 Parl. Aff. 216 (2008) (giving a perspective on Great Britain).Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Cf. Linck, Joachim, Unmittelbare Bürgerbeteiligung am parlamentarischen Gesetzgebungsprozess, ZG 137, 145 (2004).Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Cf. Art. 147 of the Swiss Bundesverfassung [Federal Constitution], the Vernehmlassungsgesetz [Consultation act], and the Vernehmlassungsverordnung [Rule on Consultation], with Linck, supra note 134, at 140 (also providing comparable procedures in Austria and some states of the U.S.).Google Scholar

¹³⁶ But see Enquete-Kommission Verfassungsreform BT-Drs. 7/5924, 12.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ See Rommelfanger, Ulrich, Das Konsultative Referendum 54, 159, 172, 283 (1987). For Austria, see Bundesverfassungsgesetz, art. 49b, and the Volksbefragungsgesetz of 1989. In Switzerland there are hardly any consultative referenda. Cf. Regine Sträuli, Konsultative Volksabstimmungen in der Schweiz (1982).Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Schattschneider, Elmer E., The Semisovereign People 34 (1960). See also Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? 305 (1961); Wainer Lusoli et al., (Re)connecting Politics? Parliament, the Public and the Internet, 59 Parl. Aff. 24, 39 (2006); Declan McHugh, Wanting to be Heard But Not Wanting to Act? Addressing Political Disengagement, 59 Parl. Aff. 546, (2006); Aviezer Tucker, Pre-emptive Democracy: Oligarchic Tendencies in Deliberative Democracy, 56 Pol. Stud. 127 (2008); Fishkin, supra note 35, at 49 (“participatory distortion”).Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Dienel, Peter C., Die Planungszelle (5th ed. 2002) (explaining the concept of Planungszelle or focus group); Claudia Landwehr & Katharina Holzinger, Parlamentsplenum und Bürgerkonferenz—Was leisten sie auf dem Weg zu politischen Entscheidungen?, ZParl 889 (2009) (giving the background of deliberative democratic theory).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Cf. Crouch, , supra note 2; Fishkin, supra note 35, at 183 (“Putting Europe in one room”).Google Scholar

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¹⁴² Beyme, Klaus von, Parlamente, in Vergleichende Regierungslehre 264, 273 (Hans-Joachim Lauth ed., 3d ed. 2010).Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁴ Cf. Tsebelis, George, Veto Players—How Political Institutions Work (2002).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ See Cowley, Philip & Stuart, Mark, Parliament: More Revolts, More Reforms, 56 Parl. Aff. 188 (2003) (concerning British parliamentarianism).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Cf. 49 BVerfGE 70 (86); 102 BVerfGE 224 (236); 114 BVerfGE 121 (149).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ See Patzelt, Werner J., Ein latenter Verfassungskonflikt? Die Deutschen und ihr parlamentarisches Regierungssystem, PVS 725, 738 (1998).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Cf. Cancik, Pascale, Parlamentarische Opposition in den Landesverfassungen (2000). Against that Gemeinsame Verfassungskommission, BT-Drucks. 12/6000, 89.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Cf. 13 BVerfGE 123 (125); 57 BVerfGE 1 (5); 67 BVerfGE 100 (129); Sven T. Siefken, Parlamentarische Frageverfahren—Symbolpolitik oder wirksames Kontrollinstrument?, ZParl 18 (2010).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Critically, e.g., Kurt Biedenkopf, Parlamentsreform—eine demokratische Notwendigkeit, APuZ 48, 49 (1988/B 13) (assesment of a former Ministerpräsident of Sachsen). Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Compare Schumpeter, , supra note 32, at 428, with Mouffe, supra note 5 (giving a modern view in favor of an “agnostic pluralism”).Google Scholar

¹⁵² Cf. András Körösényi, Political Representation in Leader Democracy, 40 Gov't & Opposition 358, 367 (2005). But see Crouch, supra note 2.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁴ Cf. 2 BVerfGE 143 (160); 10 BVerfGE 4 (14); 20 BVerfGE 56 (104); 43 BVerfGE 142 (147); 84 BVerfGE 304 (324); 112 BVerfGE 118 (135); 118 BVerfGE 277 (329).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ See, e.g., 4 BVerfGE 10 (15).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ But see Leibholz, Gerhard, Der Strukturwandel der modernen Demokratie, in Grundprobleme der Demokratie 170, 197 (Ulrich Matz ed., 1973).Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁸ Lincoln, President Abraham, Gettysburg Address (Nov. 19, 1863) (“Government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Cf. Bartels, Larry M., Unequal Democracy 252 (2010) (“Economic Inequality and Political Representation”).Google Scholar

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¹⁶² Roberts, Geoffrey K., Political Education in Germany, 55 Parl. Affairs 556 (2002) (relatively positive to Germany).Google Scholar