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Ideology and Organisation in Puritanism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

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Puritanism has been a fertile field for sociological inquiry. Studies of puritan thought have established its secular implications for economic and political life, for science, medicine and modernity. Indeed, puritanism occupies a place in the development of sociological analysis similar to that of the French Revolution in historiography. As much can be learned from studies of puritanism about sociology as about society. One lesson concerns the problem of historical scholarship in sociological analysis: too often sociologists rely not only on secondary historical accounts, but on outdated accounts and assumptions long abandoned by professional historians. Another lesson is that sociologists do not always follow their own advice. Sociological studies of puritanism devote far less attention to contextual factors than might otherwise be expected from practitioners of a discipline stressing the existential conditioning of ideas. Interpretations of a secular ethos in puritanism are used to explain why puritanism appealed to certain groups or promoted certain patterns of worldly behavior. Unfortunately, puritanism like the Bible can be ‘read’ plausibly in a number of ways to support different interpretations. Interpretations of the content of puritan thought thus must include an analysis of the organizational and social context in which Calvinist beliefs were developed and disseminated by clerics. Interpretation can be checked by contextual analysis; but such analysis requires precisely that critical style of historical scholarship so often absent in sociological analysis.

Type
Capitalism and the Rise of Religion
Copyright
Copyright © Archives Européenes de Sociology 1980

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References

(1) This bias in puritan studies has a long and distinguished history,Cf.Hobbes, T., Behemoth, or The Long Parliament (London 1969), p. 95Google Scholar.

(2) Prominent recent examples would be Bendix, R., Kings or People (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1978), pp. 296–8, 309–13;Google ScholarPubMedLittle, D., Religion, Order, and Law (Oxford 1970), passimGoogle Scholar; Walzer, M., The Revolution of the Saints (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), passimGoogle Scholar.

(3) Cf.Collinson, P., The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London 1967)Google Scholar; Hill, C., Society and Puritanism (New York 1967)Google Scholar; Spufford, M., Contrasting Communities (Cambridge 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(4) ‘Puritan’ refers to those individuals John Norden, Francis Rous, John Selden seeking a broader Protestant style of worship and William Vaughan were unimportant lay but who rejected outright separation from puritan writers. the Church of England before the civil war.

(5) Walzeb, , op. cit. p. 115Google Scholar. A nearly identical statement can be found in Seaver, P., The Puritan Lectureships (Oxford 1970), p. 39Google Scholar. Nonetheless, John Norden, Francis Rous, John Selden and William Vaughan were unimportant lay puritan writers.

(6) Weber, , Economy and Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1978), p. 514, and Cf.. p. 456Google Scholar; Merton, R., Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth-Century England (New York 1970), pp. 60, 79–81, 90–91Google Scholar.

(8) Both conditions are present in the case of puritanism from 1560–1640. The market for a popular religious press is discussed by WRIGHT, L. B., Middle Class Culture in Elizabethan England (London 1964)Google Scholar. Puritanism received its greatest support from intermediary socio-economic groups in town and country, . Hill, , op. cit. pp. 133–4, 207–9, 235, 449–30, 477–8, 499Google Scholar; Manning, B., Religion and Politics: the Godly people, in Manning, B. (ed.), Politics, Religion and the English Civil War (New York 1973)Google Scholar.

(9) This account is based on Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium (London 1970)Google Scholar; Hobsbawm, E. J., Primitive Rebels (New York 1965).Google Scholar. Mannheim's, Karl remarks on the content and context of millenarianism, Ideology and Utopia (New York 1969), pp. 214–19Google Scholar.

(10) This is precisely the point of the famous Putney Debates in the English Civil War.Cf.. Woodhouse, A. S. P. (ed.), Puritanism and Liberty; being a record of the Army Debates (1647–9) (London 1938), esp. pp. 24–8, 52–95Google Scholar.

(11) D.D.R. historians have developed an orthodox Marxist version of this thesis in their analysis of the Reformation and peas- Revoluants‘ war as die frühbürgerliche revolution. This analysis stresses the unity of the Reformation and peasants’ war, depicting the latter as the radical outcome of efforts by peasants to apply the former to their own situation, . Steinmetz, M., Der geschictliche Platz des deutschen Bauernkrieges, Zeitschrift fur Geschichtsviissenschaft, XXIII (1975), 254–5, 262Google Scholar; Vogler, G., Revolutionare Bewegung und frühbürgerliche Revolution, ZfG, XXII (1974) 394411Google Scholar.

(12) . Williams, G. H., The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia 1962)Google Scholar.

(13) B.L., MSS. Ravlls. D 339, f. 184r.

(14) Spuffobd, , op. cit. p. 263Google Scholar; Sham, A. Hilder, CVIII Lectures Upon the Fourth of John (1632) 2nd edn., p. 134Google Scholar. Cf. Cole, N., The Godly Mans Assurance (1633), 4th edn., p. 341Google Scholar.

(15) This shifting balance between cleric and layman had administrative and economic as well as intellectual causes. However, I am not concerned here with administrative and economic issues, such as the aristocratic role in enforcing the Elizabethan Settlement or lay impropriations, which in any event are not directly relevant to the theology of puritan Calvinism.

(16) Br, L., MSS. Sloan 271, f. 26vGoogle Scholar; H.M.C., Hatfield MSS. XVII. 26Google Scholar; Line. Records Socy. 23 (1926), pp. Ixix, cxxviiGoogle Scholar; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/293/f. 257rGoogle Scholar.

(17) R. Crowley, A Briefe discourse (np, 1566), Sig. C3r; A. GILBY, A Pleasant Dialogue (np, 1581), Sig. K3r, and Cf.. SIGS. K3v, I3v; anon., An Answere for the Tyme (np, 1566), p. 71.

(18) Remains, pp. 201–16; Z.L., p. 168. Episcopal officials were well aware of the popular pressures on clerics to resist conformity, Cf.. anon., A Brief Examination for Certhe Tyme (np, 1566), Sig. ******4v.

(19) Line. Records Socy. 26, p. lxix.Cf. , B. L.MSS. Tanner 73, f. 475rGoogle Scholar; Chetham Socy. XCVI (1875), pp. 1115Google Scholar; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/161/f. 107r, 16/161/f. 133rGoogle Scholar; S.P., II. 36; V.C.H., Herts. IV. 330.

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(21) Hutton, L., An Ansviere To A Certhe taine Treatise (Oxford 1605), pp. 137–8.Google ScholarCf. Sparke, T., A Brotherly Persuasion to Unitie (1607), p. 44Google Scholar. For episcopal officials, , B. L.,MSS. Tanner 68, f. 295rGoogle Scholar; Line. Records Socy. 23, p. lxix; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/293/f. 260rGoogle Scholar.

(22) Puritan efforts to create this disciplinary apparatus at the parish level, in classis movement, were harshly repressed by Elizabethan official and not revived until the civil war. Puritan efforts to mote reform through preaching succeeded precisely where the classis movement failed in gaining the support of laymen.

(23) Cf.. Budd, S., The Humanist Societies, in Wilson, B. R. (ed.), Patterns of tarianism (London 1967), p. 377Google Scholar, who that in religious movements ‘the beliefs frequently become the boundary-main-taining factors’. Reflections by one puritan cleric explicitly associate the emphasis on preaching with lack of a desirable disciplinary system: ‘Putting a difference between men and men […] has been the chief work of the godly ministers in England in this last age, who though they wanted the ordinance of excommunication in their churches, yet in lieu of it they had excommunicating gifts, and were forced […] to spend most of their ministry in distinguishing men, by giving signs and marks of a man's natural and regenerate estates, and convincing and discovering carnal men to themselves and others’. Goodwin, T., Exposition Of The Revelation (1639), in Works (Edinburgh 1861), III, 130–31Google Scholar. Cf. Goodwin, T. et al. . An Apologetical Narration (1643), in Haller, W. (ed.), Tracts on Liberty in the Puritan Revolution (New York 1933), II, 312Google Scholar.

(24) Archaeologia Cantiana XXV (1902), p. 22Google Scholar. . Collinson, , op. cit. p. 374Google Scholar; Hill, , op. cit. pp. 62–3;Google ScholarMarchant, R. A., The Puritans and the Church Courts (London 1960), p. 42Google Scholar; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/280/f. 51rGoogle Scholar; Roberts, G. (ed.), Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq., C.S. XLI (1848), p. 25Google Scholar; Urwick, W., Nonconformity in Herts (London 1884), pp. 290–91Google Scholar.

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(26) C.S.P.D. 1639–40, p. 519; Collinson, , op. cit. pp. 373–4Google Scholar; Marchant, , op. cit. pp. 171–97Google Scholar; Richardson, R. C., Puritanism in North-West England (Manchester 1972), p. 84Google Scholar.

(27) B, L., MSS. Tanner 140, f. 169rGoogle Scholar; H.M.C., Exeter MSS., p. 95Google Scholar; Diary of Walter Yonge, p. 24; V.C.H., Wilts. III. 37.

(28) B, L., MSS. Tanner 68, ff. 10v, 121r, 209r–13rGoogle Scholar; C.S.P.D. 1634–5, PP. 64, 149; Norf. Records Socy. XVIII (1946), pp. 116–33; P.R.O. SP 16/274/f. 24vGoogle Scholar.

(29) Br, L., MSS. Lands. 17, f. 27Google Scholar, P.R.O., SPD SP 14/122/f. 241r,Google Scholar and Cf. 14/67/58, 14/77/f. 153; A.P.C. 1579–80, pp. 133, 219.

(30) Br, L., MSS. Add. 39, 454. ff. 47v, 239vGoogle Scholar; Coixinson, , op. cit. p. 374Google Scholar; Marchant, , op. cit. p. 186Google Scholar; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/293/f. 264rGoogle Scholar; Remains, p. 204.

(31) . Brinsley, J., The Preachers Charge (1631), p. 29Google Scholar; Collinson, , op. cit. p. 382Google Scholar; Hildersham, , CVIII Lectures, pp. 253–4, 268–72, 306, 309Google Scholar; T.Stoughton, Two Profitable Treatises (1616), pp. 241–2Google Scholar.

(32) Cf. Bheward, I., The Significance of William Perkins, Journ. of Rel. Hist., IV (1966), 113119CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hill, , op. cit. p. 502Google Scholar. It is for this reason that ecclesiological issues on Church polity are the least interesting aspect of puritanism in terms of their sociological significance.

(33) Zwingli, H., Von der Taufe, von der Widertaufe und von der Kindertaufe (1525), Antwort fiber Balthasar Hubmaiers Tauf buchlein (1525), in Corpus Reformatorum, XCI (1915), pp. 292–5, 618, 631, 638, 641Google Scholar.

(34) Brinsley, J. (elder), The Third Part Of The True Watch (1622), Sig. 5rGoogle Scholar; Preston, J., Foure Godly And Learned Sermons (1636) 4th edn., p. 300Google Scholar. Cf. Sibbes, R., Works (Edinburgh 1862–3 [pre-1640]), VII, 188, 270–71Google Scholar.

(35) Lay puritan writers subscribed to this view of the Bible,Cf. B, L.MSS. Rawls. C765, p. 33Google Scholar; Finch, H., The Sacred Doctrine Of Divinity (1613), I, 15Google Scholar.

(36) Attersol, W., The New Covenant (1614) 2nd edn., pp. 35–6Google Scholar. Cf. Chibald, W., A Tryall Of Faith (1622), p. 208Google Scholar; MSS. Ravils C765. p. 30; Grosse, A., Deaths Deliverance (1632), p. 39Google Scholar; Perkins, W., Works (Cambridge 1608–1609), II, 339Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works VII, 466Google Scholar.

(37) Elton, E., An Exposition Of The Epistle Of St. Paul (1615), p. 398Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, VI. 530Google Scholar.

(38) C.S.P.D. 1629–31, p. 142, 1638–39, p. 362; P.R.O., SPD SP 16/154/ff. 183–4Google Scholar; Sussex Archaeological Collections, XLIX (1906), p. 54Google Scholar.

(39) Cf. Bobhek, J. T. and Curtis, R. F., A Sociology of Belief (New York 1975) p. 27Google Scholar.

(40) Angier, J., An Helpe To Better Hearts (1647 [pre-1640][), p. 308Google Scholar. Cf. Crooke, S., The Guide Unto True Blessednesse (1613), pp. 47–8Google Scholar; Downame, J., The Christian Warfare (1634) 4th edn., p. 117Google Scholar; MSS. Ravils. C765, p. 33.

(41) Attersol, , The New Covenant, p. 5Google Scholar; Randall, J., Three and Twentie Sermons (1630), II, 96, and Cf. II, 304Google Scholar; Angier, , op.cit. p. 302Google Scholar; Perkins, , Workes II, 226Google Scholar; Phillips, E., Certain Godly And Learned Sermons (1607), p. 149Google Scholar.

(42) Cf. the following Anglican defense of ceremonial pomp in administering the sacraments: ‘It is agreeable to the reverent majesty of sacred mysteries. For what can be more agreeable to holy mysteries than the sign of that which was the consummation and accomplishment of all holy mysteries?’, Hutton, L., An Answere To A Certaine Treatise (Oxford 1605), p. 26Google Scholar.

(43) Cartwright, T., A Treatise of Christian Religion (1616), p. 216Google Scholar. . Cf. Scudder, H., The Christians Daily Walke (1637) 7th edn., pp. 166–7Google Scholar; Smith, S., Davids Blessed Man (1617) 4th edn., p. 137Google Scholar; Taylor, T., Davids Learning (1617), p. 121Google Scholar.

(44) Dod, J. and Cleaver, R., A Plain And Familiar Exposition Of The Ten Commandments (1621) 15th edn., pp. 150–51Google Scholar. Cf. Fenner, W., Workes (1658 [pre-1640]), II, 71.Google Scholar

(45) Cf. Abbot, G., Vindiciae Sabbath (1641), p. 109Google Scholar; Bentham, J., The Societie of The Saints (1630), pp. 149–51Google Scholar; Rolbownde, N., The Doctrine Of The Sabbath (1595). p. 271Google Scholar; Cleaver, R., Declaration Of The Sabbath (1625), pp. 57–8, 66–8Google Scholar; F., J., The Covenant Betweene God And Man (1616) 2nd edn., pp. 63–4, 68–9Google Scholar; Greenham, R., Workes (1612) 5th edn., p. 279Google Scholar; Walker, G., The Doctrine Of The Weekly Sabbath (1641), pp. 65–7, 134Google Scholar.

(46) Rogers, D., A Practical Catechism (1633), II, 7Google Scholar. . Cf. Leigh, E., A Treatise of the Divine Promises (1633), p. 39Google Scholar; Rollock, R., A treatise of Gods effectual Calling (1603), pp. 12Google Scholar.

(47) Sibbes, , Works, II, 183, and Cf. IV, 122, III, 394, VI, 31, 350Google Scholar; Ball, J., A Treatise Of Faith (1632) 2nd edn., p. 273Google Scholar; Harris, R., A Treatise Of The New Covenant (1632), I, 48, II, 118Google Scholar; preston, J., Life Eternal (1634) 4th edn., pp. 86–7Google Scholar; Sohlien, R. P. (ed.), The Diary of John Manningham (Hanover 1976), p. 146Google Scholar.

(48) Harris, , The New Covenant, II, 96, and Cf. I, 46, II, 76Google Scholar; Fletcher, P., The Way To Blessedness (1632), p. 152Google Scholar; Preston, J., The New Covenant (1629) 2nd edn., p. 427Google Scholar; Randall, , Three And Twentie Sermons, I, 120Google Scholar.

(49) Leigh, Treatise of Divine Promises, p. 140; Scudder, , The Christians Daily Walke, pp. 618–19Google ScholarPreston, , The New Covenant, p. 508Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, I, 58Google Scholar.

(50) Ball, , Treatise Of Faith, p. 238Google Scholar.

(51) Harris, , The New Covenant, pp. 42–3Google Scholar. . Leigh, , Treatise of Divine Promises, pp. 83–4Google Scholar.

(52) Preston, , The New Covenant, pp. 477–8Google Scholar; The New Creature (1633), p. 23. Cf. Sibbes, , Works, II, 500, III, 412, IV, 350, 362, 505Google Scholar.

(53) On the importance of notaries who drafted contracts in town and country, Cf. Everitt, A., The Marketing of Agricultural Produce, in Thirsk, J. (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales (Cambridge 1967), IV, 555Google Scholar; Tawney, R. H., introduction to T. WILSON, A Discourse Upon Usury (London 1925), pp. 96–7Google Scholar.

(54) Wing, J., The Best Merchandise (1622), pp. 23Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, III, pp. 454, 521Google Scholar. Cf. Rollock, , A Treatise of Gods Effectual Calling, p. 6Google Scholar; Symson, A., A Sacred Septenarie (1638), p. 68Google Scholar.

(55) An additional secular source of covenant theology came from one type of civil contract: the pre-marital contract advocated by puritan clerics as a prelude to marriage.

(56) Sibbes, , Works, IV, 140, and Cf.. III, 476, VII, 447–8Google Scholar.

(57) Harsnet, A., A Touch-Stone Of Grace (1633) 3rd edn., pp. 254–5Google Scholar. Cf. Downame, , The Christian Warfare, p. 115Google Scholar; Randall, J., St. Pauls Triumph (1629), p. 102Google Scholar; Wing, J., Jacobs Stage (1621), p. 73Google Scholar.

(58) Harris, , The New Covenant, II, 90Google Scholar.

(59) Taylor, T., The Parable Of The Sower (1623) 2nd edn., p. 283Google Scholar. Cf. Baynes, P., A Commentarie (1618), p. 293Google Scholar; Elton, , The Triumph, p. 522Google Scholar; Fletcher, , The Way To Blessedness, p. 151Google Scholar; Hooker, T., The Soules Vocation (1638), p. 127Google Scholar; Perkins, , Workes, III, 363–4Google Scholar.

(60) Hooker, , Soules Vocation, p. 48Google Scholar. Cf. Downame, , The Christian Warfare, p. 115Google Scholar; Fletcher, P., Joy In Tribulation (1632), p. 112Google Scholar; Phillips, E., Certain Godly And Learned Sermons (1607), p. 489Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, III, 454Google Scholar; IV, 132; V, 448; VI, 376.

(61) Hieron, , Sermons, pp. 359–60Google Scholar. Cf. Baynes, P., Christian Letters (1637), pp. 211–12Google Scholar; Elton, , The Triumph, p. 648Google Scholar; Goodwin, T., Works, III, p. 320Google Scholar; Leigh, , Treatise of Divine Promises, p. 17Google Scholar; Preston, J., Breast Plate Of Faith (1634) 5th edn., I, p. 170Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, 1, p. 278Google Scholar.

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(64) Wing, , The Best Merchandise, p. 9Google Scholar.

(65) Preston, , The New Covenant, p. 331Google Scholar; Harris, , The New Covenant, I, 32Google Scholar. There is a pragmatic as well as principled reason for this emphasis on familiarity. Between 1570 and 1640 there was a rapid expansion of‘that type of bargaining which was most nearly “free”, or emancipated from official control’. Taverns nearby public markets were the scene of private contracting that violated in various ways official regulations of the public markets. A certain degree of familiarity was doubtless necessary for conducting business in these taverns, Cf. Everitt, , ‘The Marketing of Agricultural Produce’, pp. 532, 559–61Google Scholar; anon., A Discourse, Tendered to the High Court Of Parliament (1629), p. 29.

(66) Phillips, , Certain Godly Sermons, p. 97Google Scholar; Hughes, L., The Covenant Of Grace (1640), Sig. B11Google Scholar. Cf. Adams, T., Workes (1629), p. 600Google Scholar; Harris, , The New Covenant, II, 160Google Scholar; Leigh, , A Treatise of Divine Promises, p. 63Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, VII, 62Google Scholar; Walker, G., The Manifold Wisdome of God (1641), pp. 41, 48, 59Google Scholar.

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(68) Wilson, T., Saints by Calling (1620), pp. 95–6Google Scholar. Cf. Attersol, , The New Covenant, pp. 98, 103Google Scholar; Harris, , The New Covenant, I, 46Google Scholar; Whately, W., Gods Husbandry (1619), p. 46Google Scholar.

(69) Gataker, T., Christian Constancy (1624), pp. 5, 9Google Scholar.

(70) Macpherson, C. B., The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (Oxford 1969)Google Scholar.

(71) Dyke, D., Two Treatises (1618), p. 87Google Scholar.

(72) Gore, J., The God Of Heaven (1638), p. 21Google Scholar. Cf. Elton, , The Triumph, p. 761Google Scholar. Marshall, S., A Sermon (1640), in F.S., I, 113Google Scholar; Perkins, , Workes, III, 594Google Scholar; Randall, , St. Pauls Triumph, p. 13Google Scholar; Reynolds, E., An Explication Of The Hundredth And Tenth Psalme (1635) 2nd edn., pp. 296–7Google Scholar.

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(74) Cf. Baynes, , A Commentarie, p. 232Google Scholar; Downame, , The Christian Warfare, p. 278Google Scholar; Preston, , The New Covenant, pp. 7980Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, II, 24, 201Google Scholar; VII, 361.

(75) Preston, , The Breast-Plate, I, 44–5Google Scholar. Cf. Attehsol, , The New Covenant, p. 267Google Scholar; Hooker, , The Soules Vocation, p. 158Google Scholar; Phillips, , Certain Godly And Learned Sermons, p. 403Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, II, 173Google Scholar.

(76) Taylor, , The Progresse Of Saints, p. 228Google Scholar. Cf. Ball, , A Treatise Of Faith, p. 406–7Google Scholar; Cleaver, R., A Plaine Exposition […] of the Proverbs of Salomin (1614), p. 113Google Scholar; Whately, , Gods Husbandry, pp. 125–6Google Scholar.

(77) Harrison, , Two Treatises, p. 66Google Scholar. Cf. Baynes, P., Christian Letters (1637), pp. 189–90Google Scholar; Hieron, , Sermons, p. 60Google Scholar; Hooker, , The Soules Vocation, p, 620Google Scholar.

(78) Cf. Wright, , Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan England, pp. 186200Google Scholar.

(79) Greenham, , Workes, p. 169, and Cf.. p. 384Google Scholar; Bourne, I., The Godly Mans Guide (1620), pp. 1920Google Scholar; Dyke, D., The Mystery Of Selfe-Deceiving (1614), p. 230Google Scholar; Stoughton, , Two Profitable Treatises, p. 207Google Scholar; Taylor, , Three Treatises, p. 35Google Scholar; Wing, , The Best Merchandise, p. 129Google Scholar.

(80) Gataker, T., True Contentment (1620), pp. 37–8Google Scholar. Cf. Dod, and Cleaver, , A Plain And Familiar Exposition, p. 160Google Scholar; Hieron, , Sermons, p. 51Google Scholar; Randall, , Three And Ttventie Sermons, II, 146–7Google Scholar; Sibbes, , Works, VII, 513Google Scholar.

(81) Gataker, , The Spiritual Watch (1622), pp. 92–3, True Contentment, pp. 32–3Google Scholar. Cf. Chibald, W., A Tryall Of Faith (1622), p. 86Google Scholar; Smith, S., The Chief Shepheard (1625), p. 206Google Scholar; Taylor, , DavidsLearning, pp. 120, 291; Three Treatises, pp. 42–3Google Scholar.