Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-cfpbc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-15T22:59:44.268Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Carolingian Culture in the North Sea World: Rethinking the Cultural Dynamics of Personal Adornment in Viking-Age England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 January 2017

Gabor Thomas*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of Reading, UK

Abstract

Boosted by a proliferation in metal-detected finds, categories of personal adornment now constitute a vital archaeological source for interpreting Viking-age cultural interaction in the North Sea region. Previous research in England has explored the potential of this metalwork in relation to the formation of ‘Anglo-Scandinavian’ identity, but without due consideration of a wider spectrum of cultural influences. This article redresses the balance by shifting attention to twenty-eight belt fittings derived from richly embellished baldrics, equestrian equipment, and waist belts manufactured on the Frankish continent during the period of Carolingian hegemony in the later eighth and ninth centuries AD. The metalwork is classified and then contextualized in order to track import mechanisms and to assess the impact of Carolingian culture on the northern peripheries of the Frankish empire. The main conclusion is that the adoption, adaptation, and strategic manipulation of Carolingian/northern Frankish identity formed an embedded component of cultural dynamics in Viking-age England, scrutiny of which sheds new light on patterns of interconnectivity linking peoples of the North Sea world.

Suite à la prolifération de découvertes faites par détecteurs de métal, les catégories d'ornements personnels constituent aujourd'hui une source archéologique essentielle à l'interprétation de l'interaction culturelle pendant l'Âge des Vikings dans la région de la Mer du Nord. En Angleterre, des recherches antécédentes s'étaient penchées sur le potentiel de ces pièces de ferronnerie par rapport à la formation de l'identité ‘anglo-saxonne’, sans néanmoins considérer toute la gamme d'influences culturelles. Cet article essaie de rétablir l'équilibre en attirant l'attention sur 28 garnitures de ceintures provenant de baudriers richement décorés, de matériel équestre et de ceinturons fabriqués sur le continent franc pendant l'hégémonie carolingienne au cours de la fin du 8e et du 9e siècle AD. Les pièces de ferronnerie sont classées et ensuite contextualisées afin de retracer les processus d'importation et d'évaluer l'impacte de la culture carolingienne sur les périphéries septentrionales de l'empire Franc. La conclusion principale est que l'adoption, l'adaptation et la manipulation stratégique de l'identité carolingienne/franque du nord formaient une partie intégrante des dynamiques culturelles dans l'Angleterre des Vikings, dont l'examen éclaire d'un jour nouveau les différents types d'interconnectivité reliant entre eux les peuples de la région de la Mer du Nord. Translation by Isabelle Gerges.

Zusammenfassung

Zusammenfassung

Verstärkt durch die Zunahme von Metalldetektorfunden gehören Kategorien des persönlichen Schmucks heute zu einer wichtigen Quelle der Interpretation wikingerzeitlicher kultureller Interaktion im Nordseegebiet. Die frühere Forschung in England hat das Potential dieser Metallarbeiten in Bezug auf die Formation der ‘anglo-skandinavischen’ Identität untersucht, ohne jedoch ein weiteres Spektrum kultureller Einflüsse intensiver einzubeziehen. Dieser Beitrag schafft hier Abhilfe, indem er das Augenmerk auf 28 Gürtelgarnituren richtet, die aus reichverzierten Wehrgehängen, Sattel- und Zaumzeug sowie Leibgürteln aus dem kontinentalfränkischen Gebiet in der Zeit der karolingischen Hegemonie im späten 8. und im 9. Jh. AD gefertigt wurden. Die Metallarbeiten werden klassifiziert und dann kontextualisiert, um Importmechanismen nachvollziehen und den Einfluss der karolingischen Kultur in der nördlichen Peripherie des Frankenreichs beurteilen zu können. Das wichtigste Ergebnis ist dabei, dass die Übernahme, Anpassung und strategische Manipulation der karolingischen/nordfränkischen Identität eine integrierte Komponente der kulturellen Dynamik im wikingerzeitlichen England darstellte, deren Untersuchung neue Aspekte der Interkonnektivität aufwirft, die die Menschen des Nordseeraumes verbunden hat. Translation by Heiner Schwarzberg.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © European Association of Archaeologists 2012 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abrams, L. 2012. Diaspora and Identity in the Viking Age. Early Medieval Europe, 20 (1): 1738.Google Scholar
Ager, B. 1995. Recent Acquisitions of Late Merovingian and Carolingian Metalwork in the Department of Medieval and Later Antiquities of the British Museum. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, 25: 253–63.Google Scholar
Ager, B. 2005–6. 258. Easingwold area, North Yorkshire: Carolingian Silver-Gilt Mount or Brooch. Treasure Annual Report, 2005–6. London: British Museum, pp. 8990.Google Scholar
Arrhenius, B., Bergman, L.T. 2005. Excavations at Helgö XV: Weapon Investigations: Helgö and its Swedish Hinterland. Stockholm: Atlantis Bookforlag AB.Google Scholar
Ashley, S.J. 2005–6. 257. Great Dunham, Norfolk: Carolingian Silver-gilt Mount. Treasure Annual Report, 2005–6. London: British Museum, p. 89.Google Scholar
Bazelmans, J., Gerrets, D., Pol, A. 2002. Metal Detection and the Frisian Kingdom. Questions about the Central Place of Northern Westergo in the Early Middle Ages. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, 45: 219–41.Google Scholar
Bazelmans, J., Dijkstra, M., De Koning, J. 2004. Holland during the First Millennium. Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, Monographiae, 15: 335.Google Scholar
Bersu, G., Wilson, D.M. 1966. Three Viking Graves in the Isle of Man. Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph Series, vol. 1. London: Society for Medieval Archaeology.Google Scholar
Besteman, J. 2004. Two Viking Hoards from the Former Island of Wieringen (The Netherlands): Viking Relations with Frisia in Archaeological Perspective. In: Hines, J., ed. Land, Sea and Home: Settlement in the Viking Period. Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph, vol. 20. Leeds: Maney, pp. 93108.Google Scholar
Blackburn, M. 2003. Productive Sites and the Pattern of Coin Loss in England, 600–1180. In: Pestell, T., Ulmschneider, K., eds. Markets in Early Medieval Europe: Trading and Productive Sites, 650–850. Macclesfield: Windgather, pp. 2036.Google Scholar
Blair, J. 2005. The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Bøe, J. 1940. Norse Antiquities in Ireland. In: Shetelig, H., ed. Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland Part III. Oslo: H. Aschehoug & Co.Google Scholar
Bos, J.M. 2005–6. Medieval Brooches from the Dutch Province of Friesland (Frisia): A Regional Perspective on the Wijnaldum Brooches. Part 1: Small Equal-Armed Brooches. Palaeohistoria, 47–48: 455–77.Google Scholar
Bougard, F., Le Jan, R., McKitterick, R. eds. 2009. La Culture du Haut Moyen Âge, Une Question d'Élites? Haut Moyen Âge (HAMA) 7. Turnhout: Brepols.Google Scholar
Brandt, H. 2005. Sakrale Gewänder. In: Wamers, E., Brandt, M., eds. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, pp. 9295.Google Scholar
Callmer, J. 2008. Scandinavia and the Continent in the Viking Age. In: Brink, S., Price, N., eds. The Viking World. London: Routledge, pp. 439–52.Google Scholar
Capelle, T. 1976. Die Frühgeschichtlichen Metallfunde von Domburg auf Walcheren 1 & 2. Nederlandse Oudheden 5. Leiden: Rijksdienst voor het Oudneidkundig Bodemonderzoek.Google Scholar
Christiansen, T. 2008. Detector Finds and Settlement: The Eastern Limfjord in Late Iron Age and Viking Times. KUML – Årbog for Jysk Arkæologisk, 2008: 101–43.Google Scholar
Chester-Kadwell, M. 2009. Early Anglo-Saxon Communities in the Landscape of Norfolk. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 481. Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Coupland, S. 1990. Carolingian Arms and Armor in the Ninth Century. Viator, 21: 2950.Google Scholar
Crouch, D. 2005. The Birth of Nobility: Constructing Aristocracy in England and France 900–1300. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited.Google Scholar
Curta, F. 2007. Some Remarks on Ethnicity in Medieval Archaeology. Early Medieval Europe, 15 (2): 159–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Downham, C. 2008. Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland: The Dynasty of Ívarr to A.D.1014. Edinburgh: Dunedin.Google Scholar
Edwards, B.J.N. 1992. The Vikings in North-West England: The Archaeological Evidence. In: Graham-Campbell, J., ed. Viking Treasure from the North West: The Cuerdale Hoard in its Context. Liverpool: National Museums and Galleries on Merseyside, pp. 4362.Google Scholar
Effros, B. 2004. Dressing Conservatively: Women's Brooches as Markers of Ethnic Identity? In: Brubaker, L., Smith, J.M.H., eds. Gender in the Early Medieval World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 165–84.Google Scholar
Fraenkel-Schoorl, N. 1978. Carolingian Jewellery with Plant Ornament. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, 28: 346–98.Google Scholar
Fuglesang, S.H. 1986. The Relationship between Scandinavian and English Art from the Late Eighth to the Mid-Twelfth Century. In: Szarmach, P.E., ed. Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture. Studies in Medieval Culture, vol. 20. Kalamazoo: Western Michigan Press, pp. 203–43.Google Scholar
Gabriel, I. 1988. Hof- und Sakralkultur sowie Gebrauchs- und Handelgut im Spiegel der Kleinfunde von Starigard/Oldenburg. Handel und Handelsverbindungen im südlichen und östlichen Ostseeaum während des frühen Mittelalters. Internationale Fachkonferenz der Deutchen Forschungsgemeinschaft vom 5.-9. Oktober 1987 in Kiel. Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 69. Mainz am Rhein: Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, pp. 116291.Google Scholar
Gosden, C., Marshall, Y. 1999. The Cultural Biography of Objects. World Archaeology, 31 (2): 169–78.Google Scholar
Graham-Campbell, J. 1987. From Scandinavia to the Irish Sea: Viking Art Reviewed. In: Ryan, M., ed. Ireland and Insular Art A.D. 500–1200. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, pp. 144–52.Google Scholar
Graham-Campbell, J. 1992. Anglo-Scandinavian Equestrian Equipment in Eleventh-Century England. Anglo-Norman Studies, 14: 7789.Google Scholar
Graham-Campbell, J. 1995. The Irish Sea Vikings: Raiders and Settlers. In: Scott, T., Starkey, P., eds. The Middle Ages in the North-West. Oxford: Leopard's Head Press, pp. 5983.Google Scholar
Graham-Campbell, J. 2001. National and Regional Identities: The ‘Glittering Prizes’. In: Redknap, M., Edwards, N., Youngs, S., Lane, A., Knight, J., eds. Pattern and Purpose in Insular Art. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Insular Art held at the National Museum & Gallery, Cardiff 3–6 September 1998. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 2738.Google Scholar
Graham-Campbell, J. 2011. The Cuerdale Hoard and Related Viking-age Silver and Gold from Britain and Ireland in the British Museum. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Grieg, S. 1940. Viking Antiquities in Scotland. Oslo: H. Aschehoug & Co.Google Scholar
Griffiths, D. 2010. The Vikings of the Irish Sea: Conflict and Colonisation AD 790–1050. Stroud: The History Press.Google Scholar
Hadley, D.M. 2008. Warriors, Heroes and Companions: Negotiating Masculinity in Viking-Age England. Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 15: 270–84.Google Scholar
Halsall, G. 2003. Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West, 450–900. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Hamerow, H. 1999. Angles, Saxons and Anglo-Saxons: Rural Centres, Trade and Production. Studien zür Sachsenforschung, 13: 189206.Google Scholar
Haseloff, G. 1951. Der Tassilokelch. Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 1. Munich: C.H. Beck.Google Scholar
Hinton, D.A. 1996a. The Gold, Silver, and Other Non-Ferrous Alloy Objects from Hamwic, and the Non-Ferrous Metalworking Evidence. Southampton Archaeology Monographs, vol. 6. Stroud: Alan Sutton.Google Scholar
Hinton, D.A. 1996b. A Winchester-Style Mount from Near Winchester. Medieval Archaeology, 40: 214–17.Google Scholar
Hinton, D.A. 2005. Gold and Gilt, Pots and Pins: Possessions and People in Medieval Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Hodges, R. 1989. The Anglo-Saxon Achievement. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Høilund Nielsen, K. 2003. Saxon Art between Interpretation and Imitation: The Influence of Roman, Scandinavian, Frankish and Christian Art on the Material Culture of the Continental Saxons AD 400–1000. In: Hines, J., ed. The Continental Saxons from the Migration Period to the Tenth Century: An Ethnographic Perspective. Woodbridge: Boydell, pp. 193233.Google Scholar
Høilund Nielsen, K., Petersen, P.V. 1993. Detector Finds. In: Hvass, S., Storgaard, B., eds. Digging into the Past: 25 Years of Archaeology in Denmark. Copenhagen/Moesgård: Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries/Jutland Archaeological Society, pp. 223–27.Google Scholar
Karkov, C.E. 2011. The Art of Anglo-Saxon England. Woodbridge: Boydell Press.Google Scholar
Kendrick, T.D. 1938. An Anglo-Saxon Cruet. Antiquaries Journal, 68: 236–42.Google Scholar
Kershaw, J.F. 2008. The Distribution of the ‘Winchester’ Style in Late Anglo-Saxon England: Metalwork Finds from the Danelaw. Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 15: 254–69.Google Scholar
Kershaw, J.F. 2009. Culture and Gender in the Danelaw: Scandinavian and Anglo-Scandinavian Brooches. Viking and Medieval Scandinavia, 5: 295325.Google Scholar
Kleemann, J. 1992. Grabfunde des 8. und 9. Jahrhunderts im nördlichen Randgebiet des Karolingerreiches. Bonn: Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität.Google Scholar
Knol, E. 2005. Gold und silber aus Marsum – karolingische Schatzfunde in den Niederlanden. In: Wamers, E., Brandt, M., eds. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, pp. 119–24.Google Scholar
Koch, J.K. 2003. Pferdegeschirr. In: Hoops, J., ed. Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 23. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 3550.Google Scholar
Kopytoff, I. 1986. The Cultural Biography of Things. In: Appadurai, A., ed. The Social Life of Things. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 6491.Google Scholar
La Rocca, C., Provero, L. 2000. The Dead and their Gifts: The Will of Eberhard, Count of Fruili, and his Wife Gisela, Daughter of Louis the Pious (863–864). In: Theuws, F., Nelson, J.L., eds. Rituals of Power from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. Leiden: Brill, pp. 225–80.Google Scholar
Le Jan, R. 2000. Frankish Giving of Arms and Rituals of Power: Continuity and Change in the Carolingian Period. In: Theuws, F., Nelson, J.L., eds. Rituals of Power from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. Leiden: Brill, pp. 281309.Google Scholar
Leahy, K., Paterson, C. 2001. New Light on the Viking Presence in Lincolnshire: The Artefactual Evidence. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Hall, R., Jesch, J., Parsons, D., eds. Vikings and the Danelaw. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 181202.Google Scholar
Lennartsson, M. 1997–8. Karolingische Metallarbeiten mit Pflanzenornamentik. Offa, 54–55: 430619.Google Scholar
Leyser, K. 1994. Early Medieval Canon Law and the Origins of Knighthood. In: Leyser, K., ed. Communications and Power in Medieval Europe I: The Carolingian and Ottonian Centuries. London: Hambledon, pp. 5172.Google Scholar
Loveluck, C., Tys, D. 2006. Coastal Societies, Exchange and Identity along the Channel and Southern North Sea Shores of Europe, A.D. 600–1000. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, 1: 140–69.Google Scholar
Mainman, A.J., Rogers, N.S.H. 2000. Craft, Industry and Everyday Life: Finds from Anglo-Scandinavian York. The Archaeology of York 17/14. York: Council for British Archaeology.Google Scholar
Maixner, B. 2005. Die gegossenen kleeblattförmigen Filbeln der Wikingerzeit aus Skandinavien. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 116. Bonn: Halbert.Google Scholar
Margeson, S. 1996. Viking Settlement in Norfolk. In: Margeson, S., Ayers, B., Heywood, S., eds. A Festival of Norfolk Archaeology. Norwich: Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society, pp. 4757.Google Scholar
Martin, E., Pendleton, C., Plouviez, J. 2006. Archaeology in Suffolk 2005. Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History, 41 (2): 231–59.Google Scholar
Martin, E., Pendleton, C., Plouviez, J. 2008. Archaeology in Suffolk 2007. Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History, 41 (4): 501–42.Google Scholar
Martin, E., Pendleton, C., Plouviez, J., Thomas, G. 2001. Archaeology in Suffolk 2000. Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History, 40 (1): 65109.Google Scholar
Marzinzik, S. 2003. Early Anglo-Saxon Belt Buckles (Late 5th to Early 8th centuries A.D.): Their Classification and Context. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 357. Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Marzinzik, S. 2008. 191. Lindsey, Suffolk: Gilded Silver Mount. Portable Antiquities and Treasure Annual Report, 2008. London: Department of Portable Antiquities and Treasure, British Museum, p. 118.Google Scholar
McCormick, M.J. 2002. Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, AD 300–900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Metcalf, D.M. 1998. The Monetary Economy of Ninth-Century England South of the Humber: A Topographical Analysis. In: Blackburn, M.A.S., Dumville, D., eds. Kings, Currency and Alliances: History and Coinage of Southern England in the Ninth Century. Woodbridge: Boydell, pp. 167–97.Google Scholar
Mitchell, J. 1994. Fashion in Metal: A Set of Sword-Belt Mounts and Bridle Furniture from San Vincenzo al Volturno. In: Buckton, D., Heslop, T.A., eds. Studies in Medieval Art and Architecture. London: Alan Sutton Publishing/Trustees of the British Museum, pp. 127–57.Google Scholar
Naylor, J. 2004. An Archaeology of Trade in Middle Saxon England. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 376. Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Naylor, J., Geake, H. 2011. Portable Antiquities Scheme Report. Medieval Archaeology, 55: 284304.Google Scholar
Nelson, J. 1997. The Frankish Empire. In: Sawyer, P., ed. The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 1947.Google Scholar
Nelson, J. 1998. Violence in the Carolingian World and the Ritualization of Ninth-Century Warfare. In: Halsall, G., ed. Violence and Society in the Early Medieval West. Woodbridge: Boydell, pp. 90107.Google Scholar
Nelson, J. 2002. England and the Continent in the Ninth Century: I, Ends and Beginnings. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 12: 121.Google Scholar
Owen, O. 2001. The Strange Beast that is the Urnes Style. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Hall, R., Jesch, J., Parsons, D., eds. Vikings and the Danelaw. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 203–22.Google Scholar
Paterson, C. 2001. Insular Belt-Fittings from the Pagan Norse Graves of Scotland. In: Redknap, M., Edwards, N., Youngs, S., Lane, A., Knight, J., eds. Pattern and Purpose in Insular Art: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Insular Art held at the National Museum & Gallery, Cardiff 3–6 September 1998. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 125–32.Google Scholar
Pedersen, A. 1997. Weapons and Riding Gear in Burials: Evidence of Military and Social Rank in 10th Century Denmark? In: Jargensen, A.N., Clausen, B., eds. Military Aspects of Scandinavian Society in a European Perspective, AD 1–1300. Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark, pp. 123–35.Google Scholar
Pedersen, A. 2004. Anglo-Danish Contact across the North Sea in the Eleventh Century: A Survey of the Danish Archaeological Evidence. In: Adams, J., Holman, K., eds. Scandinavia and Europe 800-1350. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 4367.Google Scholar
Pestell, T., Ulmschneider, K. eds. 2003. Markets in Early Medieval Europe: Trading and Productive Sites, 650–850. Macclesfield: Windgather.Google Scholar
Price, N. 2008. Dying and the Dead: Viking Age Mortuary Behaviour. In: Brink, S., Price, N., eds. The Viking World. London: Routledge, pp. 257–73.Google Scholar
Pritchard, F. 1991. Small Finds. In: Vince, A., ed. Aspects of Saxo-Norman London: II. Finds and Environmental Evidence. London and Middlesex Archaeological Society Special Paper 12. London: London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, pp. 120278.Google Scholar
Rogerson, A. 2003. Six Middle Anglo-Saxon Sites in West Norfolk. In: Pestell, T., Ulmschneider, K., eds. Markets in Early Medieval Europe: Trading and Productive Sites, 650–850. Macclesfield: Windgather, pp. 110–21.Google Scholar
Rogerson, A. 2007. Thetford (HER No. 50106). In: Geake, H. ed. Portable Antiquities Scheme Report. Medieval Archaeology, 51: 211–32.Google Scholar
Rogerson, A., Ashley, S. 2009. A Selection of Finds from Norfolk Recorded in 2009 and Earlier. Norfolk Archaeology, 45 (4): 556–70.Google Scholar
Schilling, H. 2005. Der Silberschatz von Duesminde. In: Wamers, E., Brandt, M., eds. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, pp. 125–48.Google Scholar
Sindbæk, S.M. 2011. Silver Economies and Social Ties: Long-Distance Interaction, Long-Term Investments – and Why the Viking Age Happened. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Sindbæk, S.M., Williams, G., eds. Silver Economies, Monetisation and Society in Scandinavia AD 800–1100. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, pp. 4166.Google Scholar
Skibsted-Klæsøe, L. 1998. Plant Ornament: A Key to a New Chronology of the Viking Age. Lund Archaeological Review, 3: 7387.Google Scholar
Skre, D. 2010. From Dorestad to Kaupang: Frankish Traders and Settlers in a 9th-Century Scandinavian Town. In: Willemsen, A., Kik, H., eds. Dorestad in an International Framework. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 137–42.Google Scholar
Smith, R.A. 1993. British Museum Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities, repr. from 1923 ed. Ipswich: Anglia Publishing.Google Scholar
Stockhammer, P.W. 2012. Conceptualizing Cultural Hybridization in Archaeology. In: Stockhammer, P.W., ed. Conceptualizing Cultural Hybridization: A Transdisciplinary Approach. Berlin/Heidelberg: Springer, pp. 4358.Google Scholar
Story, J. 2003. Carolingian Connections: Anglo-Saxon England and Carolingian Francia, c.750–870. London: Ashgate.Google Scholar
Story, J. 2005. Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxons. In: Story, J., ed. Charlemagne: Empire and Society. Manchester: Manchester University Press, pp. 195210.Google Scholar
Swift, E.V. 2000. Regionality in Dress Accessories in the Late Roman West. Monographies Instrumentum 11. Montagnac: Editions Monique Mergoil.Google Scholar
Thomas, G. 2000. Anglo-Scandinavian Metalwork from the Danelaw: Exploring Social and Cultural Interaction. In: Hadley, D.M., Richards, J.D., eds. Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 237–55.Google Scholar
Thomas, G. 2001. Strap-Ends and the Identification of Regional Patterns in the Production and Circulation of Ornamental Metalwork in Late Anglo-Saxon and Viking-Age Britain. In: Redknap, M., Edwards, N., Youngs, S., Lane, A., Knight, J., eds. Pattern and Purpose in Insular Art: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Insular Art held at the National Museum & Gallery, Cardiff 3–6 September 1998. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 3949.Google Scholar
Thomas, G., Payne, N., Okasha, O. 2008. Re-Evaluating Base-Metal Artefacts: An Inscribed Lead Strap-End from Crewkerne, Somerset. Anglo-Saxon England, 37: 173–81.Google Scholar
Thörle, S. 2001. Gleicharmige Bügelfibeln des frühem Mittelalters. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie Bd. 81. Bonn: Habelt.Google Scholar
Trafford, S. 2000. Ethnicity, Migration Theory, and the Historiography of the Scandinavian Settlement of England. In: Hadley, D.M., Richards, J.D., eds. Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 1739.Google Scholar
Ulmschneider, K. 2000a. Markets, Minsters and Metal-Detectors: The Archaeology of Middle Saxon Lincolnshire and Hampshire Compared. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 307. Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Ulmschneider, K. 2000b. Settlement, Economy and the ‘Productive’ Site: Middle Anglo-Saxon Lincolnshire, A.D. 650–780. Medieval Archaeology, 44: 5380.Google Scholar
Walton Rogers, P. 2007. Cloth and Clothing in Early Anglo-Saxon England, AD 450–700. Council for British Archaeology Research Report 145. York: Council for British Archaeology.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1981. Ein Karolingischer Prunkbeschlag aus dem Römisch-Germanischen Museum, Köln. Zeitschrift für Archäologie des Mittelalters, 9: 91128.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1985. Insularer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas. Offa-Bücher 56. Neumünster: K. Wachholtz.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1987. A 10th-Century Metal Ornament from Mainz, West Germany. Medieval Archaeology, 31: 105–09.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1993. Insular Art in Carolingian Europe: the Reception of Old Ideas in a New Empire. In: Spearman, R.M., Higgitt, J., eds. The Age of Migrating Ideas: Early Medieval Art in Northern Britain and Ireland. Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland, pp. 3544.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1994a. Die Frühmittelalterlichen Lesefunde aus der Löhrstrasse (Baustelle Hilton II) in Mainz. Mainz: Mainzer Archäologische Schriften.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1994b. König im Grenzland. Neue Analyse des Bootkammergrabes von Haiðaby. Mit Beiträgen von Hans Drescher, Egon Lietz und Herbert Patotski sowie Göran Possnert. Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, Monographiae, 65: 156.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 1998. Insular Finds in Viking Age Scandinavia and the State Formation of Norway. In: Clarke, H.B., Mhaonaigh, M.N., Floinn, R.Ó., eds. Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp. 3772.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 2005a. ‘Military Look’ eine neue Damenmode im Norden. In: Wamers, E., Brandt, M., eds. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, pp. 173–77.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 2005b. Sporen und Zaumzeug. In: Wamers, E., Brandt, M., eds. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, pp. 5761.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 2011a. Continental and Insular Metalwork. In: Skre, D., ed. Things from the Town: Artefacts and Inhabitants in Viking-Age Kaupang. Kaupang Excavation Project Publication Series, vol. 3. Oslo: Aarhus University Press and the Kaupang Excavation Project, pp. 6597.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 2011b. The Halton Moor Cup and the Carolingian Metalwork in the Cuerdale Hoard. In: Graham-Campbell, J., ed. The Cuerdale Hoard and Related Viking-Age Silver and Gold from Britain and Ireland in the British Museum. London: British Museum Press, pp. 133–39.Google Scholar
Wamers, E. 2011c. The Duesminde Hoard. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Sindbæk, S.M., Williams, G., eds. Silver Economies, Monetisation and Society in Scandinavia AD 800–1100. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, pp. 309–20.Google Scholar
Wamers, E., Brandt, M. eds. 2005. Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im Dom-Museum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner.Google Scholar
Webster, L. 2001. Metalwork of the Mercian Supremacy. In: Brown, N.P., Farr, C.A., eds. Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe. Leicester: Leicester University Press, pp. 263–77.Google Scholar
Webster, L. 2003. Ædificia Nova: Treasures of Alfred's Reign. In: Reuter, T., ed. Alfred the Great: Papers from the Eleventh-Centenary Conferences. Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 79103.Google Scholar
Webster, L., Backhouse, J. eds. 1991. The Making of England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600–900. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
West, S. 1998. A Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Material from Suffolk. East Anglian Archaeology, vol. 84. Ipswich: Suffolk County Council.Google Scholar
Wheeler, R.E.M. 1927. London and the Vikings. London Museum Catalogues No. 1. London: London Museum.Google Scholar
Wickham, C. 2000. Overview: Production, Distribution and Demand, II. In: Wickham, C., Hansen, I.L., eds. The Long Eighth Century: Production, Distribution and Demand. Leiden: Brill, pp. 345–77.Google Scholar
Williams, D. 1997. Late Saxon Stirrup-Strap Mounts. Council for British Archaeology Research Report 111. York: Council for British Archaeology.Google Scholar
Williams, D. 2001. Finds from Surrey 1997–9. Surrey Archaeological Collections, 88: 309–31.Google Scholar
Williams, V. 1988. Non-Ferrous Metal Objects. In: Ayers, B., ed. Excavations at St. Martin-at-Palace Plain, Norwich, 1981. East Anglian Archaeology Report 37. Dereham: Norfolk Archaeological Unit, Norfolk Museums Service, pp. 62109.Google Scholar
Wilson, D.M. 1960. The Fejø Cup. Acta Archaeologica, 31: 147–73.Google Scholar
Wilson, D.M. 1964. Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalwork in the British Museum 700–1100 in the British Museum. Catalogue of Antiquities of the Later Saxon Period, vol. 1. London: Trustees of the British Museum.Google Scholar
Wilson, D.M. 1984. Anglo-Saxon Art. London: Thames and Hudson.Google Scholar
Wilson, D.M. 2008. Vikings in the Isle of Man. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.Google Scholar
Ypey, J. 1968. Fundstücke mit Anglo-Karolingischer Tierornamentik in Niederländischen Sammlungen. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, 18: 175–93.Google Scholar
Zuyderwyk, J., Besteman, J. 2010. The Roermond Hoard: A Carolingian Mixed Silver Hoard from the Ninth Century. Medieval and Modern Matters, 1: 73154.Google Scholar