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Scenes from the life of Silvia Gailarti Manni, a seventeenth-century virtuosa*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Beth L. Glixon
Affiliation:
Lexington, Kentucky

Extract

During the seventeenth century, the growth of opera created the need for a large number of artists to perform in theatres throughout Italy and, increasingly, in much of Europe. The biographies of nearly all the singers who performed in Venice, the centre of opera during the middle of the century, and in other cities of Italy remain unwritten and, in most cases, unwritable. For some singers, including Giovanni Antonio Cavagna, Nicola Coresi and Vincenza Giulia Masotti, letters survive that convey something of their personalities. Yet, for the most part, we know nothing of their families and the early years of their careers, nor of their lives as performers. This article will explore several episodes in the career of the Roman singer Silvia Gailarti Manni, whose operatic appearances during three decades have been known to scholars through librettos, but whose life has never before come into focus.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

1 Archivo di Stato di Venezia [hereafter ‘ASV’], Scuola Grande di San Marco [hereafter ‘SGSM’], busta [hereafter ‘b.’] 188 and b. 194. For a bibliography concerning these and other materials that constitute the ‘Faustini papers’ in the Archivo di Stato, see note 107 below.

2 I refer to Manni as ‘Silvia’ during her childhood and adolescence; following her marriage, I call her by her married surname, Manni.

3 Ruggiero, G., Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Renaissance Venice, Studies in the History of Sexuality, ed. Ruggiero, G. and Brown, J. C. (New York, 1985), p. 150Google Scholar. Herlihy, D. and Klapisch-Zuber, C., Tuscans and Their Families: A Study of the Florentine Catasto of 1427 (New Haven and London, 1985), p. 136Google Scholar.

4 Toffolo, S., Antichi strumenti veneziani: 1500–1800. Quattro secoli di liuteria e cembalaria (Venice, 1987), pp. 136, 142Google Scholar.

5 Glixon, B. L., ‘Private Lives of Public Women: Prima Donnas in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Venice’, Music and Letters 76 (1995), pp. 509–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Cavalli, for example, had the student Giacomo Minio under his care. See Morelli, G. and Walker, T. R., ‘Tre controversie intorno al San Cassiano’, in Venezia e il melodramma nel seicento, ed. Muraro, M. T. (Florence, 1976), pp. 97120 (esp. 105–7)Google Scholar. In 1623 in Rome, Vincenzo Ugolini agreed to board, clothe and teach singing, composition and grammar to Marco Antonio Pasqualini. See Lionnet, J., ‘La musique à Saint-Louis des Français de Rome au XVIIe siècle’, Note d'Archivio, new series, 4 (1986), Supplement, Part II, Document 74, pp. 53–4Google Scholar. Frederick Hammond describes the training of several boys, subsidised by Barberini, Cardinal Francesco, in ‘More on Music in Casa Barberini’, Studi Musicali, 14 (1985), pp. 235–61: Gabriello Rocchetti was sent to Florence for his instruction (1627), while Girolamo Zampetti studied in Rome first with Johann Hieronymus Kapsberger (1626) and then with Stefano Landi (1627)Google Scholar.

7 Venice, Biblioteca Civica Correr, PDC 1055, fol. 385: ‘San Miosè: Un putello et una putella d'anni 9 in circa valorissisimi’ (letter of Lorenzo di Vico, 29 December 1655). In the transcriptions of Italian manuscript documents, abbreviations have been silently expanded, and punctuation, accents and capitalisation have been modernised; spelling has been left as in original. Printed sources have not been altered.

8 On Francesca Caccini and her daughter see Cusick, S., ‘“Thinking from Women's Lives”: Francesca Caccini after 1627', in Rediscovering the Muses: Women's Musical Traditions, ed. Marshall, K. (Boston, 1993), pp. 206–25Google Scholar.

9 On Basile's career see Ademollo, A., La bell'Adriana ed altre virtuose del suo tempo alla corte di Mantova (Città di Castello, 1888)Google Scholar, and Parisi, S., ‘Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: An Archival Study’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1989)Google Scholar. On Frncesca Caccini, see Raney, C., ‘Francesca Caccini, Musician to the Medici, and Her Primo Libro (1618)’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1971)Google Scholar; Bowers, J., ‘The Emergence of Women Composers in Italy, 1566–1700’, in Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150–1950, ed. Bowers, J. and Tick, J. (Urbana and Chicago, 1986), pp. 116–61 (esp. 123–4)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kirkendale, W., The Court Musicians in Florence During the Principate of the Medici, Historiae Musicae Cultores Biblioteca, 61 (Florence, 1993), pp. 308–29Google Scholar. See also Cook, S. C. and LaMay, T. K., Virtuose in Italy 1600–1640: A Reference Guide (New York, 1984)Google Scholar.

10 McGee, T. J., ‘Pompeo Caccini and Euridice: New Biographical Notes’, Renaissance and Reformation, new series, 14 (1990), pp. 8199 (esp. 82–7)Google Scholar.

11 Strainchamps, E., ‘The Life and Death of Caterina Martinelli: New Light on Monteverdi's “Arianna”’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), pp. 155–86 (esp. 157–61)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Parisi, ‘Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627’, p. 457.

12 In Luppi's will (to be discussed below) she calls herself the daughter of Giovanni Battista of ‘Reggio di Lombardia’ (i.e. Reggio Emilia). It is unclear whether she was born in Rome or merely moved there at an early age for professional reasons. Nonetheless, in Venetian sources she is always described as ‘Romana’.

13 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Simon Bariletti, b. 984, 9 January 1643 (more veneto 1642), fol. 97. (The Venetian calendar began on 1 March, rather than 1 January. Hereafter, all dates are given in modern style.) The document states that ‘il signor Lorenzo suo marito parti di Roma del 1633’; presumably Lorenzo was her husband in 1633. The surnames of Silvia and her mother are found in a number of different spellings (Gaillardi, Gailardi, Gailarti, Galearti; Persiani, Presciani, Pressiani, Bressani). On the relationship between Luppi and Silvestro Gailarti, see pp. 116–18 below.

14 In 1633, letters containing convertible funds were sent in care of a certain Steffano del Giudice. Luppi's wording suggests that Barberini himself turned the letters over to del Giudice, who then gave them to Luppi: ‘erano inviate al Signor Steffano del Giudice le lettere, et detto signor Steffano l'andava a pigliare al Pallazzo dal Signor Don Tadeo Barbarino, essendole a lei poi state consignate’. Ibid.

15 On the Barberini and their palaces, see Waddy, P., Seventeenth-Century Roman Palaces: Use and the Art of the Plan (New York, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1990)Google Scholar; and Scott, J. B., Images of Nepotism: The Painted Ceilings of Palazzo Barberini (Princeton, 1991). Taddeo Barberini sponsored the opera Erminia sul GiordanoGoogle Scholar; see Murata, M., Operas for the Papal Court 1631–1668 (Ann Arbor, 1981), pp. 23, 249Google Scholar. On the Barberini brothers' patronage of music, see Hammond, ‘More on Music in Casa Barberini’, and Moore, C., The Composer Michelangelo Rossi: A ‘Diligent Fantasy Maker’ in Seventeenth-Century Rome, Outstanding Dissertations in Music from British Universities (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

16 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Gabriel Gabrieli, b. 6668, fol. 163v (4 July 1646); cf. note 67 below.

17 ASV, Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci (hereafter ‘CCD’), Suppliche, 1621–1663, fasc. 3.

18 Cavalieri signed his name as Giovanni Carlo del Cavalieri, and that is how his name appeared in a printed source (see below). Luppi's statement and the dossier based on the oral testimony of the witnesses reveal a number of variations: di Cavalieri (Luppi); del Cavaliere (Silvia); Cavalieri (Francesca and Gabriel); deto il Cavalieri (Dandolo); and dei Cavalieri (Fiorentini).

19 ‘Io mi chiamo Silvia Gailarti figliuola del quondam Signor Silvestro Gentilhuomo Romano, et mia madre che vive si chiama Leonida, et habitiamo in questa città in Contrà di San Cassiano.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

20 ‘[U]n guidone, un furfante voleva tossicare mia madre, che io però non sapevo niente’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

21 ‘Li mesi passati, avanti carnovale, capitò in casa nostra per mezo d'un tal Marc'Antonio Marc'Antonio Vasari, che fa il medico, un tal Giovanni Carlo del Cavaliere musico, disse essere da Melfi, città vicino a Napoli, con intentione di impararmi a cantare e sonare, facendone noi professione tant'io quanto la signora madre. Onde con il lungo pratticare cominciò a mostrarmi segni d'affetto, con dire che se havessi acconsentito alle sue voglie, m'harebbe presa per moglie, che lui era gentilhuomo e signore di gran qualità in que’ paesi, et che mi harebbe messo in corte d'un Duca di Celenza, città pur sotto Napoli, con provisione di 200 scuti l'anno, tanto a me quanto a lui, senza l'altre cose che mi haverebbe poi dato lui come sua moglie, che non mi sarebbe mancato mai il pane in vita, che sarei vessuta da gentildonna, che in fine tante promissioni che non mi raccordo l'ametà. Ond'io, alletata da tante promissioni, et con fermo proponimento che mi prendesse per moglie, acconsentii lasciandomi persuadere alle sue voglie, et quando fu passato il carnevale, che il tempo preciso non mi raccordo. Et poi, poco doppo che mi hebbe levato l'honore, mi disse che voleva dimandarmi per moglie alla signora madre, ma andava portando avanti, et un giorno mi mostrò certe lettere che diceva esser le venute dal suo paese. Non so se fosse fintione o da vero, et mi disse che già il male era fatto, et che haveva da dirmi una cosa che gli rincresceva, persuadendomi ad haver patienza, et che quelli ch'era fatta non poteva tornar più in dietro, et finalmente mi disse che haveva moglie et che lui non mi poteva più pigliare per moglie, ma però che non dubitassi, che mai m'haverebbe mancato, che mi harebbe menato in casa di questo Duca, et se non m'havesse piacciuta star là, m'haverebbe condota alla corte della Vice Regina di Napoli, overo m'haverebbe preso ivi casa dove sarebbe pratticati principi cavalieri per la mia virtù, massime non essendovi di presente in quella città altre virtuose, con la Dreana hormai fatta vecchia. Sentendo io questo, mi misse a piangere, né altro facevo tutto il giorno, vedendomi priva del mio honore, e che lui non poteva pigliarmi per moglie. In cappo a certo tempo, vedendo che io havevo la febre, et che ogni giorno stavo male, mi disse che conosceva che ero gravida, et che bisognava che io andassi via seco in ascoso, per che la Signora Madre non s'accorgesse.' ASV, CCD, Suppliche. That Cavalieri was living in Luppi's house is evident from the testimony of the servant, Francesca: ‘la Signora Leonida mi disse che andassi a pigliare li drappi di Giovanni Carlo nella sua camera che dormiva per farli lavare, come era solita fare; andai a pigliarli’ (Signora Leonida told me to get Giovanni Carlo's clothes from the room where he slept in order to wash them, as it was usual to do; I went to get them).

Carnival was understood to begin on 26 December and to end on Shrove Tuesday; the opera season more or less coincided, though opera performances sometimes began earlier. See Glixon, B. L. and Glixon, J. E., ‘Marco Faustini and Venetian Opera Production in the 1650s: Recent Archival Discoveries’, Journal of Musicology, 10 (1992), pp. 4873CrossRefGoogle Scholar. At times an opera might be revived during Ascensiontide; and by the end of the century there were other opera seasons as well.

22 ‘[L]i dissi il tutto, lei se n'andò in fastidio, e poi ritornata in sé proruppe in gran furia di pianto. Volendo anco far dimostrationi rigorose contro la putta, io li dissi che l'havevo fidata sopra di me che non le sarebbe stato fato spiacere. Onde l'aquetai, facendomi promettere di non li far dispiacere.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

23 ‘[I]l detto Giovanni Carlo batté alla porta, et la puta vedutolo disse, “Ah, caro signor, mandalo via”, e così andai da basso alla porta, et gli dissi che si scostasse da quella casa, né più li capitasse, costui restò tutto confuso et si parti’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

24 ‘… che essendoli sucesso un accidente, era capitato da me per ricercarmi due favori, l'uno che volesse alloggiarlo per quella sera, l'altro che volesse accomodar con la Signora Leonida certo disgusto passato tra loro, per il quale l'Illustrissimo Gabriel l'haveva mandato via da quella casa'. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

25 ‘Veda, cara mia Signora, che 'l saper rafrenarse nell'ire è la maggior virtù che possa mai haver l'huomo.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

26 ‘Ritorno dunque a' suoi piedi, ben ché disprezzato. Cerco perdono, dimando misericordia, e se da me tiensi offesa, o mi conosce degno di morte, eccomi pronto a riceverla, e m'uccida colle sue mani, che non son per muovermi in nulla.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

27 ‘… nella quale ero solito per occasione delle musiche capitarli molte volte’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

28 ‘S'è qualche tempo che io prattico in casa della Signora Leonida Romana, dilettandomi alle volte della ricreation della musica.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

29 ‘… attrovandomi in casa della Signora Leonida Romana a San Casciano, ove son solito pratticar alcuna volta per ricreatione’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

30 On Lorenzo Presciani, see below. Elizabeth Cohen has pointed out to me in a private communication that Presciani's absence from the case may be attributed to his position as Silvia's stepfather, i.e., that it might have been inappropriate for him to act in this matter. Still, had he been in the house during those days it seems that his presence would have been mentioned by Silvia, Francesca, Gabriel or Dandolo.

31 Rosand, E., ‘Barbara Strozzi, virtuosissima cantatrice: The Composer's Voice’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 31 (1978), pp. 241–81 (esp. 245)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 The debate was published in Loredano, G. F., Bizzarrie academiche (Venice, 1638), pp. 182ffGoogle Scholar; and La Contesa del canto e delle lagrime. Discorsi academici. Recitati dalla Sig. Barbara Strozzi nell'Academia de gli Unisoni (Venice, 1638)Google Scholar. See Rosand, , ‘Barbara Strozzi, virtuosissima cantatrice’, pp. 245, 278–9Google Scholar.

33 Pallavicino, F., Panegirici, epitalami, discorsi accademici … (Venice, 1652), p. 135Google Scholar.

34 ‘[I]n quella casa conobbi Giovanni Carlo deto il Cavalieri, et per esser persona perita nella profession di componer di musica, li mostrai qualche segno d'affetto’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

35 ‘[M]a so bene che quelle lettere sono di proprio suo pugno, havendo io cognitione del suo carattere per haver veduti libri scritti da lui’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

36 ‘…poiché dando ad intendere alla tenera incautissima figliuola esser egli gentilhuomo principalissimo di Melfi sua patria, et che di momento in momento atendeva quantità d'oro’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

37 ‘[D]iceva di essere della città di Melfi, et che era un prencipe, et molto ricco, che in casa sua vi era gran servitù’. ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

38 Basile's dates are usually cited as c. 1580 (Posillipo) – c. 1640 (Rome); however, the singer left Rome for Naples in November 1640. See Lionnet, J., ‘André Maugars: Risposta data a un curioso sul sentimento della musica d'Italia’, Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana, 19 (1985), pp. 681707 (esp. 697–9)Google Scholar.

39 Cavalieri's status is uncertain. He told some of Silvia's household that he was a prince (see above).

40 Giovanni Battista Settimo, for instance, corresponded with Loredano and was the author of several books of poetry as well as several novelle published by the Incogniti; Francesco Maria Gigante was the dedicatee of Il Bellerofonte; Girolamo Brusoni was a prolific writer of romanzi. Many of the poems are signed only with initials rather than full names; one of the authors so identified was probably the librettist Giacomo Badoer. Cavalieri's contribution and the title ‘Cavalier’ may lend credence to his claims of wealth, or at least to the perception in Venice of his wealth or high standing. On Le glorie della Signora Anna Renzi Romana, see Sartori, C., ‘La prima diva della lirica italiana: Anna Renzi’, Nuova Rivista Muskale Italiana, 2 (1968), pp. 430–52Google Scholar; Bianconi, L. and Walker, T., ‘Dalla Finta pazza alla Veremonda: Storie di Febiarmonici’, Rivista Italiana di Musicologia, 10 (1975), pp. 379454 (esp. 417–18, 442)Google Scholar; and, most recently, Rosand, Ellen, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1991), pp. 228–35, 385Google Scholar. The poems commemorating specific roles were probably written close to the dates of the performances.

41 It is reasonable to assume that many associated with the Incogniti – particularly those with an interest in music – would have known of Silvia's and Luppi's ordeal, especially owing to the connection with Dandolo. Venice was a particularly insular community, and news of scandal, as well as of the activities of the Council of Ten, often travelled quickly.

42 On the Esecutori contro la Bestemmia, see Derosas, R., ‘Moralità e giustizia a Venezia nel ‘500–’600, gli Esecutori contro la Bestemmia’, in Stato, società e giustizia nella repubblica veneta (sec. xv–xviii), ed. Cozzi, G. (Rome, 1980), pp. 431528Google Scholar. On defloration in Rome in the early 1600s, see Cohen, E. S., ‘No Longer Virgins: Self-Presentation by Young Women in Late Renaissance Rome’, in Refiguring Woman: Perspectives on Gender and the Italian Renaissance, ed. Migiel, M. and Schiesari, J. (Ithaca and London, 1991), pp. 169–91Google Scholar.

43 ASV, Esecutori contro la Bestemmia, Raspe 1627–1692, b. 68, fols. 122r–122v (10 November 1650).

44 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Giorgio Emo, b. 5504, fol. 124.

45 ‘Concludo: che la prudenza e la secretezza acconcia molte cose che esposte al publico sono poi irremediabili, e che in un sì et in un no nasce la morte e la perdita dell'honore.’ ASV, CCD, Suppliche.

46 Gary Towne and Suzanne Cusick have suggested to me that Silvia might have had a baby that she turned over to a foundling institution. Still, it seems significant that Luppi did not cite Silvia's impregnation, which would have lent even greater weight to her accusations.

47 Indeed, one of the chapters in Guido Ruggiero's book on sex crime and sexuality in Renaissance Venice is entitled ‘Fornication and Then Marriage’. See Ruggiero, The Boundaries of Eros, Chapter Two.

48 On the complex reading of cases involving love, witchcraft and magic in Renaissance Venice, see Ruggiero, G., Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of the Renaissance (New York and Oxford, 1993)Google Scholar.

49 See ibid., especially pp. 63–4, 239.

50 See McGee, ‘Pompeo Caccini and Euridice’, pp. 82–5.

51 Garrard, M. D., Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero in Italian Baroque Art (Princeton, 1989), p. 34Google Scholar. Garrard's book contains an English translation of the testimony at the Gentileschi rape trial, which lasted seven months.

52 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Testamenti Andrea Bronzini, b. 64, no. 76.

53 The following monetary conversions obtained in Venice during the middle of the seventeenth century: 1 ducat = 6.2 lire (6 lire, 4 soldi); 1 scudo = 9.3 lire; 1 doble = 28 lire; 1 cecchino = 17 lire. Giacomo Galli was an extremely wealthy merchant; legacies from his will financed new façades for both the church of San Salvatore and the adjacent Scuola di San Teodoro.

54 ‘Sono anco creditrice del Signor Francesco Cavalli de scudi cento, del Signor Monteverdi et del Signor Benedetto dalla Tiorba de scudi ducento in circa, overo di quella quantità che appare nel scritto che si ritrova in mano dell'Illustrissimo Signor Nicolò Gabriel.’ ASV, Archivio Notarile, Testamenti Andrea Bronzini, b. 64, no. 76.

55 On Cavalli at the Teatro San Cassiano, see Morelli and Walker, ‘Tre controversie’, pp. 94–108. On the composer's activities at San Moisè, see Pirrotta, N., ‘The Lame Horse and the Coachman’, Music and Culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), pp. 325–34 (esp. 333–4)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Rosand, , Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, pp. 202–3Google Scholar.

56 Leonida Donati's legal action is discussed by Vio, Gastone in a recent article, ‘Musici veneziani dei primi decenni del seicento: Discordie e bustarelle’, Rassegna Veneta di Studi Musicali, 5–6 (19891990), pp. 375–85 (esp. 382–5)Google Scholar. I would like to thank Tim Carter, who informed me of this article.

57 The case appears in ASV, Cancelleria Inferiore, Atti del Doge, b. 197, no. 22.

58 ‘[E'] vero che la Signora Silvia ha recitato che l'ho veduta. Quanto all'esser stata condota, io non l'ho condota, né meno so chi l'habbi condota.' Ibid., fol. 254v.

59 Although Vio transcribed Donati's affirmation, he neglected to mention the anomaly of her signature.

60 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Giovanni Battista Coderta, b. 2920, fol. 241v (11 February 1643). Beccari authorised Giovanni Aquabona to obtain the money from Monteverdi.

61 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Giovanni Battista Coderta, b. 2918, fol. 263v (28 February 1641). Antonio Grimani is also mentioned as a creditor. As the document does not address Grimani as ‘N.H.’ (indicating noble status), the reference is probably to the singer of that name rather than to Antonio, the brother of the theatre owner, Giovanni Grimani.

62 ASV, Provveditori alla Sanità, b. 571, Santa Croce, San Cassan.

63 King, M. L., Women of the Renaissance, Women in Culture and Society, ed. Stimpson, C. R. (Chicago and London, 1991), p. 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 On Franco, see Rosenthal, M. F., The Honest Courtesan: Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice, Women in Culture and Society, ed. Stimpson, C. R. (Chicago, 1992), p. 66CrossRefGoogle Scholar. By 1624 Gentileschi was living apart from her husband; a census of that year lists her as the head of the household. Garrard, , Artemisia Gentileschi, p. 63Google Scholar.

65 Leonida Nutio was the daughter of the deceased Giulio Nutio. ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Zorzi Steffani, b. 12445, fol. 33 (15 November 1641).

66 David Herlihy and Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, in their study of fifteenth-century Florence, described the most frequently ambiguous names in the Florentine catasto of 1427 as all ending with ‘a’ (Andrea, Battista, Laudomina, Luca, Pasqua, Ventura, Buonaventura, Vangelista and Zaccarria). Herlihy, and Klapisch-Zuber, , Tuscans and Their Families, p. 132Google Scholar.

67 ‘… haver conosciuto in Roma la quondam Signora Dionora, sive Leonora Luppi, che venne poi ad habitare in questa città, già anni sette in circa, et si faceva qui chiamare Leonida Persiani’. ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Gabriel Gabrieli, b. 6668, fol. 163v (cf. note 16 above).

68 The literature on courtesans has often referred to the practice of these women dressing in men's clothing. Could Luppi's choice of a masculine name suggest a link with the life of the courtesan? See Santore, C., ‘Julia Lombardo, “Somtuosa Meretrize”: A Portrait by Property’, Renaissance Quarterly, 41 (1988), pp. 4483 (esp. 57−8)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Casagrande, R., Le cortigiane veneziane nel cinquecento (Milan, 1968), p. 145, pp. 198200, 239Google Scholar. Gaspara Stampa and Veronica Franco, two of the most famous courtesans, were accomplished musicians.

70 Poetry was also featured at these gatherings. On the entertainments in the Baroni home, see Antolini, B. M., ‘Cantanti e letterati a Roma nella prima metà del seicento: Alcune osservazioni’ in In cantu et in sermone (Florence, 1989), pp. 347–62 (esp. 360–1)Google Scholar. Although no printed documentation for these entertainments pre-dates 1639, by which time Luppi was probably in Venice, they may have taken place earlier. Baroni was in Rome from 1633.

71 See Rosand, ‘Barbara Strozzi, virtuosissima cantatrice’, pp. 244–53.

72 See, for example, the letter of Jacopo Razzi (5 December 1643), cited in Culley, T. D., Jesuits and Music: A Study of the Musicians Connected with the German College in Rome during the 17th Century and of Their Activities in Northern Europe (Rome, 1970), vol. i, pp. 185–7, 332–3Google Scholar.

73 On the authorship of the libretto for Le nozze d'Enea in Lavinia, see Szweykowska, A., ‘Le due poetiche venete e le ultime opere di Claudio Monteverdi’, Quadrivium, 18 (1977), pp. 149–57Google Scholar; and Walker, T., ‘Gli errori di Minerva al tavolino: Osservazioni sulla cronologia delle prime opere veneziane’, in Venezia e il melodramma nel seicento, ed. Muraro, , pp. 720Google Scholar. The sources for this work will be discussed in Ellen Rosand's forthcoming book on Monteverdi's late operas. On the Incogniti, see Bianconi, and Walker, , ‘Dalla Finta pazza’, pp. 410–24Google Scholar; Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, passim; Fenlon, I. and Miller, P. N., Song of the Soul: Understanding ‘Poppea’, Royal Musical Association Monographs, 5 (London, 1992)Google Scholar.

74 Silvia and her brother appear in Book Seven of the Aeneid.

75 Michiel, P., Rime di Pietro Michiele Nobile Veneto, 3rd printing, corr. and enlarged (Venice, 1642), p. 204Google Scholar.

76 Orsina Cavalletta's poem for Laura Peperara contains the line ‘E far di mille cor dolce rapina’, while Livio Celiano's (Don Angelo Grillo) poem for Livia d'Arco includes the verses ‘Che son mill'alme de’ tuoi strali vaghe/Per addolcir mille amorose piaghe’. The poems (B9 and Bll), along with others for the singers of the concerto delle dame, appear in Durante, E. and Martellotti, A., Cronistoria del Concerto delle dame principalissime di Margherita Gonzaga d'Este, Archivum Musicum, Collana di studi, A (Florence, 1979)Google Scholar.

77 Argomento e scenario del Prencipe Giardiniero di Benedetto Ferrari da la Tiorba Da rappresentarsi in Musica nel Teatro Novo (Venice, 1643)Google Scholar. I would like to thank Ellen Rosand, who informed me of this source and provided me with a copy of the dedication.

78 On Fusconi's ties with opera as well as with the singer Anna Renzi, see Bianconi, and Walker, , ‘Dalla Finta pazza’ pp. 417–18Google Scholar.

79 ‘S'ella per gratitudine brama di veder registrato ne gli Annali dell'Immortalità il nome del Signor Ferrari faccia risapere al Mondo tutto d'esser sua Discepola, che ciò basterà a renderlo eternamente glorioso appresso il Mondo tutto, poiche non si potrà credere, che da altri, che da un Apollo sia stata ammaestrata una Musa, et in guisa tale otterrà il suo fine di veder lodato degnamente il suo Maestro.’ Argomento e scenario del Prencipe Giardiniero, p. 7.

80 The dedication of the poem reads: ‘Per la Signora Silvia Gailarti, che in habito di Calisto piangeva la crudeltà di Titone’. Bissari, P. P., Le scorse olimpiche. Libro Primo (Venice, 1650), p. 21Google Scholar.

81 The second poem for Silvia occurs on p. 77 of Bissari's book (‘Alla Signora Silvia Gailarti mentre cantava’). That for the singer Leonora (‘Per la Signora Leonora cantatrice alludendo all'affetto del S. N. Campiglia’) is found on the same page as the poem that praises Silvia's performance as Calisto (p. 21).

82 See the discussion, below, of two documents from 1644 concerning Luppi.

83 ‘Alla Sig. Silvia N S. Gio Decollato.

‘Vostra Signoria è una Calamità, ò Calamita d'Amanti, per non dire Una Sirena, che uccide tutti coloro, che hanno fortuna di udire la sua voce, ò di mirare il suo volto. Io da qui innanzi fuggirò l'occasione, non solo di servirla nelle ricreationi, ma anche d'incontrarla nelle Feste, per non correr rischio di perdere me stesso. Fidarsi di canto di femine? Sarebbe minor male il ricoverarsi tra l'onde, & il nascondersi tra gl'abissi. Io non sò amare, chi non mi vuole corrispondere; & il mio cuore, ch'èpiccino, piccino, riuscirebbe troppo magro boccone alla fame d'un'Arpia. Non si sdegni meco; perch'io scherzo con lei. E ben vero, che per l'avvenire ricuserò la sua prattica, per non cader nel suo amore. Goda chi può, e chi vuole; mentr'io lontano le bacio le mani. Di Casa.’ Loredano, G. F., Lettere del Signor Gio. Francesco Loredano Nobile Veneto divise in cinquantadue capi; e raccolte da Henrico Giblet Cavalier, 19th printing (Venice, 1676), pp. 317–18Google Scholar.

84 The discourse ‘In biasimo delle donne’ appears in Loredano's Discorsi academici; see Fenlon, and Miller, , Song of the Soul, p. 54Google Scholar. (‘In Dispraise of Women' appeared in an English translation of Loredano's works, Accademical Discourses upon Several Choice and Pleasant Subjects (London, 1664)Google Scholar.) The Incogniti and their view of women are discussed in Heller, W., ‘Chastity, Heroism, and Allure: Women in the Opera of Seventeenth-Century Venice’ (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1995)Google Scholar.

85 Austern, L. P., ‘“Sing Againe Syren”: Female Musicians and Sexual Enchantment in Elizabethan Life and Literature’, Renaissance Quarterly, 42 (1989), pp. 420–48 (esp. 427)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Isidori hispalensis episcopi etymologiarum sive originum libri xx, xi.3.30–31. Hollander, R., ‘Purgatorio xix: Dante's Siren/Harpy’, in Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio: Studies in the Italian Trecento in Honor of Charles S. Singleton, ed. Bernardo, A. S. and Pellegrini, A. L. (Binghamton, N.Y., 1983), pp. 7788Google Scholar. The Latin passage from Isidore of Seville and its translation are on p. 82.

87 In Loredano's ‘Ragguagli di Parnaso’ (part of Bizzarrie academiche, pp. 574–5) the singer Anna Renzi is denied admission to Parnassus by the jealous Apollo. Apparently Renzi did not appreciate Loredano's humour, for his letters contain a reply to her (with the heading ‘Risposta a Lettere di Lamento’) that emphasises that the piece was meant to praise the singer (Loredano, , Lettere, p. 365)Google Scholar. Barbara Strozzi, while still in her teens, was among those singled out in a series of manuscript satires about the Unisoni. See Rosand, , ‘Barbara Strozzi, virtuosissima cantatrice,’ pp. 249–52Google Scholar.

88 See, for instance, the discussion of the propriety of women singers in the 1630 treatise of Uberti, G., Contrasto musico opera dilettevole, Musurgiana, 5, ed. Rostirolla, G. (Lucca, 1991), pp. 7783Google Scholar (original pp. 67–73); I would like to thank Robert Holzer for bringing this passage to my attention. See also G. D. Ottonelli, Della Christiana moderatione del theatro, published in Taviani, Ferdinando, La commedia dell'arte e la società barocca: La fascinazione del teatro, La Commedia dell'Arte: Storia, Testi, Documenti, 1 (Rome, 1970), pp. 328403Google Scholar. Much of the first book of Ottonelli's treatise is devoted to the question of whether women should perform on the stage – both because of the danger to their virtue and because of their effect on society.

89 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Gregorio Bianconi, b. 1075, fol. 104 (21 September 1644).

90 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Agostino Cavertino, b. 2875, fol. 40v (22 September 1644).

91 ASV, Provveditori alla Sanità, Necrologio, b. 873. ‘1645 29 luglio. La Signora Leonida Persiani Romana d'anni 35 in circa da ferite di coltello morta in un quarto d'hora doppo. San Giovanni Degolà’.

92 I would like to thank Roark Miller for providing me with a transcription of the passage that identifies Luppi's killer (ASV, Quarantia Criminal, b. 29, fol. 244). A second copy of the account occurs in ASV, Avogaria di Commun, Raspe, b. 3710, fol. 176. The following transcription is from the records of the Quarantia Criminal, emended in places from the Avogaria version. ‘6 novembre 1645 … Che Paulo detto Vanin murer sive manoal, solito habitare a San Zuan Decolà per mezo il Fontego de' Turchi, imputado, che disgustato per le cause, come in processo, della persona di Leonida Bressani sua vicina, deliberato di privarla di vita, ritrovandosi la medessima la sera delli 28 luglio prossimo passato, ad un hora di notte in circa, nel campielo contiguo alla sua habitatione, parendole [Avogaria: ponendole] opportuna occasione d'affettuare così diabolico proponimento. Mentre essa li diceva alcune parole, il predetto Paulo se li aventasse imediate alla vita, tirandole diversi colpi per i [Avogaria: li] quali, caduta a terra, li dimandava la vita, et egli, respondendole 'Te la dago’, continuava barbaramente a colpirla, ch[e] poi, essendo ripreso da persone che si mossero per pietà, rissolse partire, lasciando l'infelice Leonida sopradetta traffitta di sette mortali ferite, per le quali rese subito l'anima al Signor Dio.'

93 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Francesco Beazian, b. 658, fol. 363 (13 February 1644). On Lappoli, see Bianconi, and Walker, , ‘Dalla Finta pazza,’ p. 415Google Scholar; Rosand, , Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, pp. 89, 90, 102–3, 116, 254Google Scholar.

94 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Francesco Beazian, b. 662, fol. 188 (27 September 1645).

95 Ibid., fol. 188v. This document provides the earliest reference to Zucchi as an operatic performer in Venice. He appeared there in operas mounted by the impresario Marco Faustini during the 1650s and 1660s (beginning in 1654/55), and joined the cappella of St Mark's in October 1648 (see entry for 30 December 1648, ASV, Procuratori di San Marco de supra, b. 75).

96 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Alessandro Basso, b. 1000, fol. 172 (16 September 1645). On Galli, see above, note 53.

97 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Francesco Beazian, b. 662, fol. 116v.

98 Manni's full name was Pietro Eleuterio Manni, son of Francesco (deceased).

99 ‘Una detta, con busto di brocato di oro fondo rosso in cremesino con fiore in alcun luogo d'argento valutata D120 … Una vesta di restagno d'oro fondi verde guernita con merlo d'oro valutata D100'. ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Francesco Beazian, b. 662, fol. 117v. On restagno, see Vitali, A., La moda a Venezia attraverso i secoli: Lessico ragionato (Venice, 1992), pp. 323–4Google Scholar.

100 For an especially impressive inventory of a Venetian courtesan of the Renaissance, see Santore, ‘Julia Lombardo, “Somtuosa Meretrize”’.

101 The Renzi and Gamba contracts are discussed further in Glixon, ‘Private Lives of Public Women’, pp. 515–16, 522–4.

102 On the dowries of women musicians, see Cusick, ‘“Thinking from Women's Lives”: Francesca Caccini after 1627’, pp. 212, 217–18, 292.

103 The apparent closing of the theatres in Venice because of the war was first emphasised by Bianconi and Walker. See ‘Dalla Finta pazza’, pp. 416–17; see also Rosand, , Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, p. 108Google Scholar.

104 See Glixon, ‘Private Lives of Public Women’, p. 513.

105 Libretto by Giovanni Andrea Spinola, music by Giovanni Maria Costa. On opera in Genoa, see Moretti, M. R., Musica e costume a Geneva tra cinquecento e seicento (Genoa, 1992), p. 154Google Scholar.

106 Pietro Manni signed the dedication of La regina Floridea, to be performed in Milan; the dedication to Paolo Spinola, Governor of Milan, places the libretto between April and September 1668, or between March 1669 and May 1670 – the periods when Spinola held that post. In the note to the reader (unsigned), the author of the libretto describes himself as a military man. If Manni wrote this foreword as well as the dedication, it provides yet another side to his biography. Manni mentioned that the work La regina Floridea is based on La mas lastymosa tragedia del Conde de Sex, but did not name the author (Antonio Coello y Ochoa). I would like to thank Robert Kendrick, who provided me with a transcription of the dedication and foreword to the libretto. La regina Floridea (Milan), Floridea Regina di Cipro (Reggio Emilia) and Floridea (Venice, 1685)Google Scholar all share nearly identical argomenti and much of their text.

107 On Marco Faustini as an opera impresario, see the following sources: Brunelli, B., ‘L'impresario in angustie’, Rivista Italiana del Dramma, 19 (1941), pp. 311–41Google Scholar; Giazotto, R., ‘La guerra dei palchi’, Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana, 1 (1967), pp. 245–86, 465508Google Scholar; Glover, J. A., ‘The Teatro Sant'Apollinare and the Development of Seventeenth-Century Venetian Opera’ (D.Phil, diss., Oxford University, 1975)Google Scholar; Schmidt, C. B., ‘An Episode in the History of Venetian Opera: The Tito Commission (1665–1666)’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 31 (1978), pp. 442–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bianconi, L. and Walker, T., ‘Production, Consumption and Political Function of Seventeenth-Century Opera’, Early Music History, 4 (1984), pp. 209–96 (esp. 221–7)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, passim; Glixon and Glixon, ‘Marco Faustini’; and Glixon, ‘Private Lives of Public Women’, pp. 518–27. Faustini's career as an impresario will be examined more fully in B. L.Glixon and J. E. Glixon, Marco Faustini and Opera Production in Seventeenth-Century Venice (in progress).

108 ASV, SGSM, b. 112.

109 For singers' fees for the first three seasons mentioned, see Glixon and Glixon, ‘Marco Faustini’, pp. 59–60; in these years, the top women earned equal fees. In 1656/57, for Le fortune di Rodope e Damira, Anna Maria Volea (Rodope) earned 1960 lire, while Anna Renzi (Damira) earned 1860 lire.

110 The account books from earlier seasons, 1651/52 and 1654/55, do not specify such expenses for the prime donne. Ginevra Senardi's expenses can be calculated by combining data from Faustini's account book and the balance sheet for 1657/58 found in ASV, SGSM, b. 101.

111 See Glixon and Glixon, ‘Marco Faustini’, p. 70.

112 Faustini's account book for the 1657/58 season lists payments in December for Manni's travel, and a payment of 510 lire (30 zecchini) on 24 January. The account book specifies that the money was sent by Faustini's servant, Benetto [Campesan]; on the same date Pietro Manni signed Faustini's receipt book for 50 ducats, including 25 ducats paid to the landlord of Manni's residence (‘Io Pietro Manni ho riceuto dall'Eccellentissimo Signor Marco Faustini ducati cinquanta da L6: 4 per ducato per la Signora Silvia, e sono a bon conto delle recite del presente anno, compresoci ducati venticinque sborsati al padrone della casa ove al presente habito val, —D50.’) The folio accounting for the company expenses for the year shows that Silvia Manni was still owed nearly 165 ducats (1019 lire, 5 soldi) at the end of the season.

113 SGSM b. 188, fol. 409: ‘poiché gli è stata riempita la testa che Silvia non è ancora restata sodisfatta, et che però lei non vuol correr [qualsiasi?] rischio’ (letter from Giuseppe Abbate Zanchi in Rome, 28 October 1658, to Alvise Duodo).

114 The difference in pay between the top two singers was even greater this time: Girolama earned 4767 lire to Manni's 2139 lire. Girolama's pay included 100 scudi for travel, 300 scudi for her performances, and 25 scudi per month for expenses; perhaps Manni had remained in Venice and received no compensation for travel.

115 ASV, SGSM, b. 194. On the financial documentation concerning Antioco, see Bianconi and Walker, ‘Production, Consumption and Political Function of Seventeenth-Century Opera’, pp. 221–7.

116 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Camillo Lion, b. 8021, fols. 9v–10v, 16 March 1658. Carnival ended that year on 5 March.

117 ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Camillo Lion, b. 8021, fol. 417v, 1 April 1659. Magno died in 1650; Manni is not mentioned in his will (ASV, Archivio Notarile, Testamenti Bronzini, b. 65, no. 260).

118 Da Mosto's letter, quoted in Rosand, , Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice, p. 185Google Scholar, and in Mangini, N., I teatri di Venezia (Milan, 1974), pp. 52–3Google Scholar, was originally published in da Mosto, A., ‘Uomini e cose del ’600 veneziano (da un epistolario inedito)’, Rivista di Venezia, 12, no. 3 (1933), pp. 117–22 (esp. 117)Google Scholar.

119 The names of these singers appear in a document concerning the Teatro San Luca from 19 July 1661, in ASV, Archivio Notarile, Atti Lodovico Bruzzoni, b. 1132, fol. 137; the names of other singers, who were presumably fully paid, do not appear. This and other documents about San Luca will be discussed in Glixon and Glixon, Marco Faustini and Opera Production, and in a separate article on that theatre.

120 Ziani's Le fortune di Rodope e Damira premiered in Venice during Carnival of 1656/57. The location of the performance in Turin is not known, according to Mercedes Viale Ferrero; none is listed in the libretto. See Ferrero, M. Viale, Storia del teatro regio di Torino, vol. iii, La scenografia dalle origini al 1936 (Turin, 1980), p. 13Google Scholar.

121 Archivio di Stato di Mantova, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 2804, Lettere del Conte Romoaldo Vialardi, fasc. 1, 1669 (hereafter ‘ASM, AG, b. 2804’). Although Vialardi normally referred to Manni as ‘Signora Silvia’, in a letter of 17 September he used her full name (‘Signora Silvia Manni’). I would like to thank Dottoressa Francesca Fantini d'Onofrio of the Archivio di Stato of Mantua, who helped me locate this series of letters.

122 Ricci, G., ‘Note sull'attività di Fabrizio Carini, architetto teatrale e scenotecnico’, in Il seicento nell'arte e nella cultura con riferimenti a Mantova (Milan, 1985), pp. 148–63Google Scholar. The article contains a description and inventory of the theatre, and part of Fedeli's will (he died 30 December 1669, shortly after the mounting of L'Eudosia).

123 ‘Piacque la fatica del Savaro a persona che desiderò veder simile successo ridotto in Drama; onde fu di mestiere di compiacerla … Sappi dunque che il Compositore de'versi non ha preteso di spendere il tempo per acquisto di gloria alcuna, essendone già al possesso l'opera de sodetto Archidiacono.’ L'Eudosia, pp. 3–4.

124 In a letter of 30 March 1669, Vialardi referred to Fedeli's participation in the theatre (‘Il Signer Luigi Fedeli che meco è interessato nel teatro’). ASM, AG, b. 2804. These letters provide another view, if only a small one, of the trials of an impresario in seventeenth-century Italy. For the eighteenth century, the voluminous correspondence of Luca Casimiro degli Albizzi gives us the clearest picture of the workings of an opera company, including the frequent problems encountered in the recruiting of singers. See Holmes, W. C., Opera Observed: Views of a Florentine Impresario in the Early Eighteenth Century (Chicago, 1993)Google Scholar.

125 ASM, AG, b. 2799, fasc. 16, fol. 195 (27 September 1660). The Mantuan Resident, Abbate Tinti, responded on 9 October that Daniele da Castrovillari had set the poetry (ASM, AG, b. 1572).

126 ASM, AG, b. 2800 bis (27 March 1662). Formenti performed frequently in opera in Venice, from at least 1656/57 until 1680. See Glixon and Glixon, ‘Marco Faustini’, p. 60; and Saunders, H. S. Jr ‘The Repertoire of a Venetian Opera House (1678–1714): The Teatro Grimani di San Giovanni Grisostomo’ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1985)Google Scholar, Appendices F and G.

127 ASM, AG, b. 2801 (30 May 1664). Vialardi's efforts are referred to in a letter to Rangoni from Marc'Antonio Vialardi, Romoaldo's father.

128 In 1665, Rangoni, in Milan, had boarded four singers who were to appear in an opera (Cavalli's Xerse?). ASM, AG, b. 1765 (1 July 1665).

129 ‘Disidero che la Signora Silvia mi provegga d'un tenore per il mio drama, e dovrà far la parte di Cortigiano … ed ella vi faccia il prezzo.' ASM, AG, b. 2084 (4 January 1669).

130 ‘Qui annessa vi è una lettera con la parte del primo atto per la Signora Silvia. Prego Vostra Signoria Illustrissima consegnargliela in propria mano, e dirle che voglio sperare sarà al suo gusto, e che è la prima, facendo il personaggio di Eudosia Imperatrice.' ASM, AG, b. 2804 (15 February 1669).

131 ‘Circa alle arie ne haverà a sufficienza e belle, e parmi che la prima nella parte mandatale non sia sprezzabile, ma degna d'essere sentita. Il mio drama è sodo et eroico, differente dall'uso di Venetia, e poi trattandosi di tragedia, i buoni auttori insegnano lasciar le frascherie. Si conteni pure di far bene, nel resto a lei tocca il dar l'anima all'opera.' ASM, AG, b. 2804 (2 March 1669).

132 ‘Ecco la parte dell'atto secondo per la Signora Silvia, e se non ha arie, patienti, perché nel terzo ne ha cinque superbissime con l'ultima scena di detto atto nella quale dovrà cavar le lagrime dagl'occhi. Per Dio, che il maestro di capella di corte ha da sudar la fronte a far musica sì bella … Dica alla signora sodetta, che non si dubiti, e havrà dell'arie nel terzo atto di tutto proposito e bellissime. L'opera è soda, e porta seco questo riguardo di non parlar seriosamente in arie, e già a Venetia si cominciano a scoglionarsi in simile materia.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (8 March 1669). I would like to thank Massimo Ossi for his assistance in the translation of a portion of this letter.

133 ‘Se ne viene l'ultima parte per la Signora Silvia e per il tenore; la medesima Signora si duole non haver abbondanza d'arie.Bisogna mi favorisca di dirle che nella presente parte troverà cosa di suo gusto, e che le tragedie non sono composte da ariette, massime nelle persone gravi e grandi com'ella rappresenta. Tuttavia, per un altro anno passeremo dal serio al ridicolo, per non star sempre sul grave.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (15 March 1669).

134 The dedication of Coriolano bears the date 27 May 1669.

135 ‘… fa parlar troppo in canzoni … La mia Eudosia sarà migliore, e farò nuove ariette alla Signora Silvia, a cui professo mille obligationi.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (8 June 1669).

136 ‘Sensa’ is the Venetian term for the Feast of the Ascension. The term also referred to the famous fair in Venice held at that time of the year.

137 ‘[E] adesso il Pizzala non è suo amico, e Bastianello non è buono. In somma, contentar musici vogliono essere angeli … Tuttavia la Signora Silvia vuol far essa una compagnia? Che io farò darle la porta del teatro, e so che farà de' soldi, et io mi levarò dagl'imbrogli.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (18 May 1669). Manni had performed with Pizzala in 1662 (Le fortune di Rodope e Damira, Turin) and 1665 (Dori, Parma), and possibly with Cioni in La Pasife.

138 ‘[S]e la Signora Silvia è renitente a venire, per dirla confidentemente poco m'importa, valendomi d'altro soggetto più bello, e che con una bella faccia comparirà in scena. Vostra Signoria dunque m'honori di farsi subito riconsignar la parte, e me la rimanda, perché in tutte le guise rimango sodisfatto.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (26 October 1669).

139 ‘L'opera mia va felicemente, e 'l Signor Scaccia porterà i libretti, e la riverisco.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (6 December 1669).

140 On the careers of Riccardi and Scaccia, see Bianconi and Walker, ‘Production, Consumption and Political Function of Seventeenth-Century Opera’, Appendix 1.

141 ‘Hieri sera si sentì l'opera recitata in musica, sopra di che non parlo, rimettendovi alla viva voce della Signora Silvia, quando sarà ritornata alla Patria.' ASM, AG, b. 2804 (9 May 1670).

142 ‘La Signora Silvia ha fatto sporco, e tanto basti.’ ASM, AG, b. 2804 (23 May 1670).

143 Vialardi continued his involvement with the theatre. His name is mentioned in a document of 2 December 1676 concerning the Teatro Fedeli, and he was one of the partners in the renovation of the Teatro dei Comici in 1688. See Amadei, G., I cento cinquant'anni del Sociale nella storia dei teatri di Mantova (Mantua, 1973), pp. 57, 5962Google Scholar.

144 Could Benedetto Ferrari's associations with Modena and Reggio Emilia have led to Silvia Manni's operatic involvement in this region? Ferrari died in Modena in 1681. We may also remember that Manni's maternal grandfather came from Reggio.

145 See, for example, the correspondence of Marco Faustini (see note 107 above for bibliography).

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