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⁹ Eckstein, Harry, “On the ‘Science’ of the State,” in The State, Graubart, Stephen, ed. (New York: W. W. Norton and Company. Inc., 1979), 16.Google Scholar To be more exact, the sovereignty of the state refers to its independence in formulating goals for society; its autonomy has to do with its independence in working out its internal organization. See Nettl, , “The State as a Conceptual Variable,” 581ff.Google Scholar

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¹² Quoted in Thomas, Keith, “The United Kingdom,” in Crises of Political Development in Europe and the United States, Grew, Raymond, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 63.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Suleiman, Ezra N., Politics, Power, and Bureaucracy in France: The Administrative Elite (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), 177, 222–23, 235–307.Google Scholar Suleiman sees a relationship between this particular orientation on the part of the French bureaucratic elite and the maladaptation of that bureaucracy to social and economic transformations that began under the Fourth Republic. Idem, “The French Bureaucracy and Its Students: Toward the Desanctification of the State,” World Politics, 1 (1970).Google Scholar

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²⁹ Inter alia, Esman, M. J., “The Politics of Development Administration,” in Approaches to Development: Politics, Administration, and Change, Montgomery, J. D. and Siffin, W. J., eds. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 59–112;Google ScholarFainsod, M., “Bureaucracy and Modernization: The Russian and the Soviet Case,” in Bureaucracy and Political Development, LaPalombara, Joseph, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), 233–67;Google ScholarRiggs, Fred W., “Bureaucrats and Political Development: A Paradoxical View,”Google Scholar in ibid., 120–67.

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⁴¹ In coining this phrase I benefitted from Poggi's concept of the bourgeoisie-as-public, by which he refers to members of the civil society who are able to transcend their private concerns and who would elaborate a public opinion on matters of general interest (The Development of the Modern State, 82). Civil-society-as-public should be taken as the polar opposite of Hegelian civil society.Google Scholar

⁴² See Heper, Metin, “Bureaucrats, Politicians, and Officers in Turkey: Dilemmas of a New Political Paradigm,” in Modern Turkey: Continuity and Change, Evin, Ahmet, ed. (Hamburg: Deutsche Orient Institut, 1984);Google Scholar and Tachau, Frank and Heper, Metin, “The State, Politics, and Military in Turkey,” Comparative Politics, 16(1983), 17–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar I take up these developments more fully in my The State Tradition in Turkey (Beverley, England: The Eothen Press, in press).Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Poggi, , The Development of the Modern State, 44. My emphases.Google Scholar

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⁵³ In French feudalism the local grandees were primarily concerned with the preservation of local customs and privileges; they distrusted the central government just as the central government distrusted them. See Strayer, , On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State, 51Google Scholar, and, for the terming of such a state of affairs as “bastard feudalism,” 62. Myers, A. R.Google Scholar, who does not take Standestaat as the “polity of estates,” i.e., a polity in which the estates develop a modus vivendi with the central authority, but who emphasizes the “privileges of the group against outsiders,” considers Standestaat as unique to Latin Christendom. See his Parliaments and Estates in Europe to 1789 (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1975), 9.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ lnalcik, Halil, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973)Google Scholar, ch. 3. Here I take personal rule as somewhat different from Roth, Guenther: “personal rulership,”Google Scholar as I use it, is a detraditionalized and personalized pattern of rule. Thus, it need not be a version of patrimonialism; one can hardly refer to the personal rule of de Gaulle, for instance, as a type of patrimonialism. Cf. Roth, Guenther, “Personal Rulership, Patrimonialism, and Empire-Building in the New States,” World Politics, 20(1968), 195–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵⁷ For a more detailed analysis, see Heper, “Center and Periphery in Ottoman Empire.”Google Scholar

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⁷¹ D' Entréves, , The Notion of the State, 121.Google Scholar The idea of mixed constitution goes back all the way to the Glossators; the idea was later picked up by Thomas Aquinas. See Gierke, Otto, Political Theories of the Middle Age, Maitland, Frederic William, trans. and intro. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959), 43, 45.Google Scholar

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⁷⁵ Here I draw upon Huntington, Samuel P.: “In a praetorian system social forces confront each other nakedly; no political institutions, no corps of professional political leaders are recognized or accepted as the legitimate intermediaries to moderate group conflict. Equally important, no agreement exists among the groups as to the legitimate and authoritative methods for resolving conflicts.” Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 196.Google Scholar

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