For their comments on earlier drafts, the author wishes to thank Suzanne Berger, David Bloom, Milton Esman, Michael Hechter, Patrice Higonnet, Albert Hirschman, Lisa Hirschman, James Kurth, Juan Linz, Charles Lipson, Charles Maier, Tom Naylor, Victor Perez-Diaz, Harvey Rishikof, Judith Shklar, Martin Shefter, Theda Skocpol, Sidney Tarrow, John Zysman and the participants of seminars at Airlie House, the Center for European Studies and the Center for International Affairs at Harvard University, Cornell University and York University.

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² While this paper was being revised for publication during July 1978, a group of Bretons demanding autonomy for their people set off a bomb at the place of Versailles. There have also been a number of incidents recently in Corsica, somewhat more than in Brittany. Nonetheless, in comparative terms, Breton and Corsican nationalism remains relatively weak when contrasted with the ability of the Catalan, Quebecois, Spanish Basque or Scots movements to attract votes or sustain long-term violence.

³ Roneen, Dov, “From Class Conflict to Ethnic Separatism” and “Toward a Theory of Self-Rule,” The Hebrew University and Harvard University, Center for International Affairs (mimeo, 1977).Google Scholar

⁴ Specification of core and periphery for Germany is immensely complicated by changing boundaries and borders. Down to 1945 the role of Prussia is clear enough; it was the Catholic South, the free cities, and old kingdoms such as Hanover which resisted the Bismarckian version of unity, but acquiesced. Today the rump of Prussia in the West still dominates. Bavaria is the most independent-minded but accepts the situation. Southern Italy and other regions had considerable distinctiveness of institutions and traditions until 1870 and considerable variance of language. The discussion does not include areas where the claims are irredentist, seeking to join up with ethnic neighbors in another country, such as Alto Adige and Frulia-Venetia.

⁵ Unlike Ireland, which remained largely agricultural. Michael Hechter makes a very good case for treating this as the principal reason that Ireland was the one to break away: the absence of industrial development maintained the homogeneity of the economic function of most of the Irish, around which a mass movement could be mobilized. See Hechter, Internal Colonialism.

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⁷ Some of the deviance from a class model of voting does derive from the hold of Anglican and English identities on the English working class. See Alford, Robert, “Class and Party,” in Lipset, S. M. and Rokkan, Stein, eds., Party Systems and Voter Alignments (New York: Free Press, 1967), 67–94;Google ScholarButler, Richard and Stokes, Donald, Political Change in Britain (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969; 2nd ed., 1976).Google Scholar

⁸ On the origins of the present British predicament, see Landes, David, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969);Google ScholarHobsbawn, E. J., From Industry to Empire (New York: Pantheon, 1968);Google ScholarGilpin, Robert, U.S. Power and the Multinational Corporation (New York: Basic Books, 1975).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an exploration of the British, German, French and American responses to stiff international competition see Gourevitch, Peter, “International Trade, Domestic Coalitions, and Liberty: Comparative Responses to the Crisis of 1873–1896,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, VIII (Autumn 1977), 281–313.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹¹ See Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism. Ireland fits less well, since Eire broke away during the apogee of British economic and imperial power. An explanation of that fact consistent with the argument here would require deeper analysis of the types of economic dominance—dependence between center and periphery and the types of people in the periphery drawn into a relationship with the core. Hechter's interpretation is very plausible: Ireland alone of the Celtic fringe broke away because Ireland alone had no industrial development; hence there was no industrial enclave within the country having strong ties to the core. More purely agricultural, Ireland was more homogeneous, hence more easily mobilizable against metropole. Hechter does examine the other interpretations of Ireland's difference, especially religion. See pp. 266–92.

¹² See Merriman, R. B., Six Contemporaneous Revolutions (London: Oxford University Press, 1935).Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Most bureaucratic-military capitals, even those with no special advantages in location or resources eventually attract industrial development.. Berlin is the best example, along with Madrid today; Moscow?

¹⁶ Alsace, Franche-Comté, Picardy and the lands up to the Pyrenees were brought under the crown during the reign of Louis XIV. Lorraine was added in the mid-eighteenth century, Savoy in 1860.

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¹⁸ The creation of regional government in France has had little to do with peripheral nationalism and much more to do with party politics, bureaucratic rivalries, and economic imbalances. See Gourevitch, Peter, “Reforming the Napoleonic State: the Creation of Regional Government in France and Italy,” in Graziano, Luigi, Katzenstein, Peter and Tarrow, Sidney, eds., Territorial Politics in Industrial States (New York: Praeger, 1978).Google Scholar See also Tarrow, Sidney, Between Center and Periphery (New Haven: Yale, University Press, 1977).Google Scholar

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²⁴ These tensions among different sectors of the economy during periods of severe international competition were not unique to Canada. Similar things happened in the United States, Britain, France, Germany and other countries. See Peter Gourevitch, “International Trade, Domestic Coalitions and Liberty.”

²⁵ Stevenson, Garth, “Federalism and the Political Economy of the Canadian State,” in Panitch, Leo, ed., The Canadian State: Political Economy and Political Power (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977) and other essays in that volume.Google Scholar

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