I would like to thank the following people for their help and suggestions in the development of this article: Ruth Bleasdale, Jack Crowley, Geoff Eley, J. Morgan Kousser, John O'Brien, Jane Parpart, Norman Pereira, Lawrence Stokes, and Graham Taylor. I would especially like to thank the Killam Trust of Canada and the Dalhousie University History Department for giving me the chance to prepare, present, and refine this paper.

¹ Hicks, John D., The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis, 1931), 54;Google Scholarcf. Buck, Solon, The Agrarian Crusade (New Haven, 1920), 99;Google ScholarMitteilungen aus dem Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus (Oct. 27, 1894).Google Scholar

² Woodward, C. Vann, “The Comparability of American History” in The Comparative Approach to American History, Woodward, , ed. (New York 1968), 3–17, 346–58.Google Scholar On comparing Southern history: idem., Thinking Back: The Perils of Writing History (Baton Rouge, 1986),Google Scholar ch. 7. On German exceptionalism: Eley, Geoff and Blackbourn, David, The Peculiarities of German History (New York, 1984).Google Scholar Kenneth Barkin makes a strained case for comparing Populism with Germany's elite League, Agrarian in “A Case Study in Comparative History: Populism in Germany and America,” in The State of American History, Bass, Herbert J., ed. (Chicago, 1970), 373–404.Google Scholar For a comparison of elites based on a caricature of Germany: Wiener, Jonathan, “Planter Persistence and Social Change: Alabama, 1850–1870,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 7:2 (1976), 235–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On prewar anti-Semitism, see my Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation in Kurhessen: The Rise and Fall of the Böckel Movement (Ph.D. thesis, Department of History, Columbia University 1985), intro.Google Scholar

³ On the “Great Depression” as a “cause” of anti-Semitic politics, see the highly influential book by Rosenberg, Hans, Grosse Depression und Bismarckzeit: Wirtschaftsablauf, Gesellschaft, und Politik in Mitteleuropa (Berlin, 1967);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Geoff Eley criticizes this approach in his essay, “Hans Rosenberg and the Great Depression of 1873–1896,” in his From Uniication to Nazism: Reinterpreting the German Past (Boston and London, 1986), 23–41,Google Scholar esp. 32ff. On the incidence of Populism: Argersinger, Peter, Populism and Politics: William Alfred effer and the People's Party (Lexington, 1974), 60ff;Google ScholarTurner, James, “Understanding the Populists,” Journal of American History, 67:2 (1980), 354–73;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMayhew, Anne, “A Reappraisal of the Cause of Farm Protest in the United States,” Journal of Economic History, 32:2(1972), 464–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a non-reductionist political analysis that argues that Populism filled the need for opposition where the Republicans were weak, the Democrats divided, and suffrage unrestricted, see Kousser, J. Morgan, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880–1910 (New Haven and London, 1974).Google Scholar

⁴ Goodwyn, LawrenceDemocratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (Oxford and New York, 1976), xviii;Google Scholar abridged as The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America (Oxford and New York, 1978).Google Scholar Cf. Turner, , “Understanding the Populists”Google Scholar and Montgomery, David, “On Goodwyn's Populists,” Marxist Perspectives, 1 (spring 1978), 166–73.Google Scholar Stanley Parsons et al. argue that the cooperative movement was small, did not “precede” Populist politics, and did not have the educative impact claimed by Goodwyn. Their criticism identifies the Southern Farmers Alliance too narrowly with the cooperative movement and relies excessively on Dun & Company's Mercantile Agency Reference Book. A rating in this book was used by a merchant as the basis of bank credit—the sort of credit cooperators wanted to dispense with. The book listed successful enterprises, not failed or planned ones—the ones that counted, politically. The undercapitalization of many cooperatives, and other signs of frailty revealed by Parsons et al., does not contradict Goodwyn's contention that farmers faced formidable enemies, could not make it on their own, and needed to go into politics. Finally, as a political movement, Populism predated the cooperative movement only in Kansas, an exception discussed below. Throughout the South the key years of politicization were 1891–92—after the Alliance failed. Goodwyn himself shows that the earliest Alliance program contained political demands. Parsons etal. are on firmer ground in doubting the linkage between cooperative failure and radical consciousness, which Goodwyn only asserts. “The Role of Cooperatives in the Development of the Movement Culture of Populism,” Journal of American History, 69:4 (1983), 866–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ This paper does not define populism, but seeks to establish the comparability of the Böckel movement with Southern populism and to see it in a new light. On populism, I learned much from Laclau, Ernesto, “Towards a Theory of Populism,” in his Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London, 1977), esp. 143–76,Google Scholar and Cameron's, Margaret more empirical Populism (London, 1981).Google Scholar

⁶ Hahn, Steven, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850–1890 (New York and Oxford, 1984), ch. 1–2;Google ScholarPeal, , Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation, 29ff.Google Scholar On poor whites: Berlin, Ira, “White Majority,” Social History, no. 5 (May 1977), 653–59;Google Scholar Harry Watson, “Conflict and Collaboration: Yeomen, Slaveholders, and Politics,” Ibid., 10:3 (1985), 273–98; Key, V. O., Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), Pt. I.Google Scholar

⁷ Hahn, , Southern Populism, 44, 302ff; Peal, , Rural Transformation, 32ff, 211–2, Appendix, xiii, xv.Google Scholar

⁸ Ransom, Roger L. and Sutch, Richard, One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation (Cambridge, 1977), 164 (Otken);Google ScholarClark, Thomas D., Pills, Petticoats, and Plows: The Southern Country Store (Indianapolis and New York, 1944), 315.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Ransom, , Sutch, , One Kind of Freedom;Google Scholar for criticism, see “One Kind of Freedom: A Symposium,” Explorations in Economic History, 16:1 (1979);Google ScholarWright, Gavin, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York, 1986), esp. 106–15.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ford, Lacy K., “Rednecks and Merchants: Economic Development and Social Tensions in the South Carolina Upcountry, 1865–1900,” Journal of American History, 71:2 (1984), 306,CrossRefGoogle Scholarpassim: Hahn, , Southern Populism, 143ff.Google Scholar Nine of ten landholders owned their farms in the 1850s; six to eight of ten owned farms in the 1880s. Ibid. 158–65; Hair, William, Bourbonism and Agrarian Protest: Louisiana Politics, 1877–1900 (Baton Rouge, 1969), 156–57.Google Scholar In general: Mayhew, Anne, “A Reappraisal of the Cause of Fann Protest.”Google Scholar

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¹⁹ The Georgia homestead exemption act of 1841 kept mortgages and foreclosures to a minimum in the Upcountry, but was revised by Democrats in 1877. Hahn, , Southern Populism, 75ff, 193ff.Google Scholar

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²⁵ Schwartz, Michael, Radical Protest and Social Structure: The Southern Farmers Alliance and Cotton Tenancy (New York, 1976), 209–10,Google Scholar 255ff; McMath, Robert C., Jr., Populist Vanguard: A History of the Southern Farmers' Alliance (Chapel Hill, 1975), 42–43; Hahn, 275.Google Scholar

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³⁴ McMath, , Populist Vanguard,Google Scholar ch. 5; Shaw, Barton C., The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge and London, 1984), 42–44, 52;Google ScholarMartin, , People's Party in Texas, 165ff (evangelical appeal).Google Scholar

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³⁹ Ibid., 299–300.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 307–8.

⁴¹ Ibid., 308ff.

⁴² Ibid., ch. 6.

⁴³ Woodward, , Origins, 244;Google Scholar ch. 1–3; Key, , Southern Politics, 553;Google ScholarRogers, William Warren, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865–1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970), ch. 3.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Woodward, , Tom Watson, 220ff, 239–40;Google ScholarWoodward, , Origins, 254ff.Google Scholar Woodward's favorable view has been attacked by Crowe, Charles, “Tom Watson, Populists, and Blacks Reconsidered,” Journal of Negro History, 55:2 (1970), 99–116CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Shaw, , Wool-Hat Boys, 83,Google Scholar 109, 114. Cf. Palmer, , “Man over Money”, ch. 5, 165–66;Google ScholarWoodward, , Thinking Back, 36ff.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Fields, Barbara, “Ideology and Race in American History,” in Region, Race, Reconstruction, Kousser, and McPherson, , eds., 159.Google Scholar On the violent aftermath of Populism in North Carolina: Abramowitz, Jack, “The Negro in the Populist Movement,” Journal of Negro History, 38:3 (1953), 285;CrossRefGoogle ScholarKousser, , The Shaping of Southern Politics, 186–192;Google ScholarCell, , Highest Stage, 178–79,Google Scholar 185; cf. Goodwyn, L, “Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case Study,” American Historical Review, 76:5 (1971), 1435–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶¹ On Saxony: Levy, , Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Parties.Google Scholar In general: Suval, Stanley, Electoral Politics in Wilhelmine Germany (Chapel Hill and London, 1985). In annexed regions, affiliations were arguably even weaker.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Quoted in Peal, , Rural Transformation, 185.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ As Conservatives became more anti-Semitic, Böckel branded them “only mot-Semites”. As they set up cooperatives, he declared that only he cared about the people. Ibid., 187–91.

⁶⁶ Ibid., 166, n.32.

⁶⁷ Ibid., 187, 258–70; Peal, , “Anti-Semitism by other Means?”Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Puhle, Hans-Jürgen, Agrarische Interessenpolitik und preussischer Konservatismus, 2nd ed. (Bonn, 1975).Google Scholar For a local study: Hunt, James, “The ‘Egalitarianism’ of the Right: The Agrarian League in Southwest Gernany, 1893–1914,” Journal of Contemporary History, 10:3 (1975), 513–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁹ Peal, , Rural Transformation, 167–68, 311–12, 379–88;Google Scholar on BdL racism: Puhle, , Agrarische Interessenpolitik, 113–40;Google ScholarFricke, Dieter, “Die Organisation der antisemitischen Deutschsozialen Reformpartei, 1894–1900,” Zeitschrifi für Geschichtswissenschaft, 29:5 (1981), 432ffGoogle Scholar (text of the 1899 tract, “Theses on the Jewish Question,” calling for the “destruction” of Jewry in the twentieth century). On “paternalist” racism (which ended with the Civil War in the U.S.) and “competitive” racism (which followed the defeat of Populism): Berghe, Pierre van den, Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective (New York, 1967);Google ScholarMason, Philip, Patterns of Dominance (London, 1970), 60ff.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Key, , Southern Politics, 504–8, 533–35.Google Scholar Kousser attributes the drop in turnout to changes in suffrage laws in Shaping of Southern Politics, 12ff, 43–44, 55–56, 173ff, 195, 208, etc. In Germany, turnout dropped in the aftermath of the Böckel movement, but climbed steadily in the Reichstag elections of 1903, 1907, and 1912. Peal, , Rural Transformation, 413–81.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Blackbourn, David, “The Politics of Demagogy in Imperial Germany,” Past and Present, no. 113 (Nov. 1986), 152–84.Google Scholar On the isolated labor market as the distinguishing feature of the Southern economy: Wright, , Old South, New South.Google Scholar On suffrage and demagogy: Kousser, , Shaping of Southern Politics, 80, 231ff.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ After discussing the murder of several Jewish merchants, Hair concludes: “None of its orators or publicists appear to have ever attacked Jews as such; the references to Baton Rothschild as the head of the ‘money power’ assailed him because he was an international banker, not because of his religion.” Hair, William, Bourbonism and Agrarian Protest, 160.Google Scholar Walter Nugent trivializes similar episodes in The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Populism and Nativism (Chicago and London, 1963), 108–115, 192;Google Scholar cf. Handlin's, criticism in “Reconsidering,” 68–9;Google Scholar Ransom and Sutch gloss over an anti-Semitic comment by an English traveler in Mississippi, One Kind of Freedom, 122, 342–43,Google Scholar n.35. Cf. Woodward, , Origins, 188,Google Scholar n. 42. Woodward ascribes Watson's role in the Frank lynching to his post-Populist crankiness: Tom Watson, ch. 23; cf. Dinerstein, Leonard, The Leo Frank Case (New York and London, 1968).Google Scholar For more on Southern antiSemitism, see the essays by Shapiro, Edward S. and Jeansonne, Glen, in Anti-Semitism in American History, Gerber, David A., ed. (Urbana and Chicago, 1986), and Gerber's introductory essay, p. 49, n. 71.Google Scholar

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