Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-wzw2p Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-30T17:50:43.852Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Not So Scary After All? Reform in Imperial and Weimar Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2010

Edward Ross Dickinson
Affiliation:
University of California at Davis

Extract

An interesting interpretive standpoint has come in recent years to characterize synthetic treatments of Imperial and Weimar Germany, and oddly, it is most often laid out in connection with discussions of reform and reformers. The history of reform in early twentieth-century Germany, we now consistently hear, is more complex than we once thought, and this fact is a central piece of evidence that early twentieth-century Germany, too, was more complex than we thought. In fact, the invocation of the sheer variety and creativity of Wilhelmine reform as a challenge to the available interpretive frameworks in the historiography on modern Germany is in danger of becoming formulaic. The available models, it appears, are unable to contain the massive proliferation of studies of the varieties of reform in Imperial Germany; they are beginning to burst at the seams. This is uniformly perceived as an exciting development, a chance to rethink modernity in Germany.

Type
Review Essay
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Marchand, Suzanne and Lindenfeld, David, “Germany at the Fin de Siècle,” in Germany at the Fin de Siècle: Culture, Politics, and Ideas, ed. Marchand, Suzanne and Lindenfeld, David (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University, 2004), 18, 7, 9, 29–30Google Scholar.

2 Eley, Geoff and Retallack, James, “Introduction,” in Wilhelminism and Its Legacies: German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meanings of Reform, 1890–1930, ed. Eley, Geoff and Retallack, James (New York: Berghahn, 2003), 6, 4–5Google Scholar.

3 Jefferies, Matthew, Imperial Culture in Germany, 1871–1918 (Basingstoke: Palgrave-MacMillan, 2003), 221, 223CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Marchand and Lindenfeld, “Germany,” 9, 30, 31; Eley and Retallack, “Introduction,” 8; Jefferies, Imperial Culture, 223.

5 Weeks, Jeffrey, Sex, Politics, and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality Since 1800 (New York: Longman, 1981), 107108Google Scholar.

6 Oosterhuis, Harry, Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing, Psychiatry, and the Making of Sexual Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 11, 12Google Scholar. For a study that makes a very similar argument, but is less optimistic about the outcomes, see Müller, Klaus, “Aber in meinem Herzen sprach eine Stimme so laut.” Homosexuelle Autobiographien und medizinische Pathographien im 19. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1991)Google Scholar.

7 Frohman, Larry, Poor Relief and Welfare in Germany from the Reformation to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 1, 2, 9, 4, 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Frohman, Larry, “Prevention, Welfare, and Citizenship: The War on Tuberculosis and Infant Mortality in Germany, 1900–1930,Central European History 39 (2006): 432, 433, 434, 436, 437, 449, 474, 479, 480CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Wetzell, Richard, Inventing the Criminal: A History of German Criminology, 1880–1945 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 300, 8, 11, 10Google Scholar.

10 Ibid., 304.

11 Hett, Benjamin Carter, Death in the Tiergarten: Murder and Criminal Justice in the Kaiser's Berlin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 5, 8, 3, 221, 222–223, 226, 227Google Scholar.

12 Lees, Andres, Cities, Sin, and Social Reform in Imperial Germany (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 391, 392, 398, 400, 405CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Ibid., 1, 4.

14 Repp, Kevin, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-Politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 1011CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Ibid., 14.

16 Treitel, Corinna, A Science for the Soul: Occultism and the Genesis of the German Modern (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 28, 45, 241Google Scholar; Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas, The Occult Roots of Nazism: The Ariosophists of Austria and Germany, 1890–1935 (Wellingborough: Aquarian, 1985)Google Scholar. In fairness to Goodrick-Clarke, his claims are very modest—he sees Ariosophy (the branch of occultism he is interested in) as symptomatic rather than causal in its relation to National Socialism (202).

17 Fritzen, Florentine, Gesünder Leben. Die Lebensreformbewegung im 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2006), 33, 335, 319Google Scholar.

18 Hau, Michael, The Cult of Health and Beauty in Germany: A Social History, 1890–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 2Google Scholar.

19 Ibid., 3, 39.

20 Ibid., 40, 160.

21 Lekan, Thomas, Imagining the Nation in Nature: Landscape Preservation and German Identity, 1885–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 84, 98, 125, 259, 260Google Scholar.

22 Rollins, William H., A Greener Vision of Home: Cultural Politics and Environmental Reform in the German Heimatschutz Movement, 1904–1918 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rohkrämer, Thomas, Eine Andere Moderne? Zivilisationskritik, Natur und Technik in Deutschland, 1880–1933 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1999)Google Scholar; Umbach, Maiken and Hüppauf, Bernd, eds., Vernacular Modernism: Heimat, Globalization, and the Built Environment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Brueggemeyer, Franz-Josef, Cioc, Marc, and Zeller, Thomas, eds., How Green Were the Nazis? Nature, Environment, and Nation in the Third Reich (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

23 Williams, John Alexander, Turning to Nature in Germany: Hiking, Nudism, and Conservation, 1900–1940 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 5Google Scholar.

24 Ibid., 7.

25 Ibid., 259, 260.

26 Ibid., 262, 237, 261, 255.

27 Planert, Ute, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich. Diskurs, soziale Formation und politische Mentalität (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Lisberg-Haag, Isabell, “Die Unzucht—das Grab der Völker.” Die evangelische Sittlichkeitsbewegung und die “sexuelle Moderne” (1870–1918) (Münster: Lit, 2002)Google Scholar.

29 Herf, Jeffrey, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

30 Quotation in Loth, Wilfried, “Die Deutschen Sozialkatholiken in der Krise des Fin de Siècle,” in Soziale Reform im Kaiserreich. Protestantismus, Katholizismus und Sozialpolitik, ed. Kaiser, Jochen-Christoph and Loth, Wilfried (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1997), 129Google Scholar.

31 See Klausmann, Christina, Politik und Kultur der Frauenbewegung im Kaiserreich. Das Beispiel Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1997)Google Scholar.

32 See particularly Baumann, Ursula, “Religion und Emanzipation. Konfessionelle Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1900–1933,” von Olenhusen, Irmtraud Götz et al. , Frauen unter dem Patriarchat der Kirchen. Katholikinnen und Protestantinnen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1995)Google Scholar.

33 For syntheses that argue for such an approach, see particularly Dickinson, Edward Ross, “Biopolitics, Fascism, Democracy: Reflections On Our Discourse Concerning ‘Modernity,’Central European History 37 (2004): 148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sweeney, Dennis, “Reconsidering the Modernity Paradigm: Reform Movements, the Social, and the State in Wilhelmine Germany,Social History 31 (2006): 405434CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, more broadly, Maguire, Richard, “Guilt by Association? The Hazards of Linking the Concept of the State with Violence,European Review of History 13 (2006): 293310CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, vol. 1 (New York: Random House, 1990), 147, 100–102Google Scholar. Foucault himself was not immune to the “spot-the-Nazi” game, and in some texts he clearly regarded National Socialism as the apotheosis of the modern “disciplinary society” he sought to describe. But that is not actually the sense of the terms in which he described it.

35 Foucault, Michel, “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History,” in Michel Foucault: Language, Counter-Memory, Practice, ed. Bouchard, Donald F. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), 152, 142, 154Google Scholar.

36 Hoffmann, Arnd, Zufall und Kontingenz in der Geschichtstheorie (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2005)Google Scholar; see particularly 297, 359–360.

37 Cabrera, Miguel, “A Critique of Ethnocentrism and the Crisis of Modernity,History and Theory 47 (2008): 613CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is a review of Chabal, Patrick and Daloz, Jean-Pascal, Culture Troubles: Politics and the Interpretation of Meaning (London: Hurst, 2006)Google Scholar. There is a particularly biting comment on theory as symbolic capital in Fluck, Winfried, “The Modernity of America and the Practice of Scholarship,” in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Bender, Thomas (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

38 van Bouwel, Jeroen and Weber, Erik, “A Pragmatist Defense of Non-Relativistic Explanatory Pluralism in History and Social Science,History and Theory 47 (2008): 168182CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Canning, Kathleen, Gender History in Practice: Historical Perspectives on Bodies, Class, and Citizenship (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 62, 120Google Scholar.

40 Finney, Patrick, “Beyond the Postmodern Moment?,Journal of Contemporary History 40 (2005): 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Eley, Geoff, A Crooked Line: From Cultural History to the History of Society (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2007), 7, 200–201Google Scholar.

42 Bernhard Struck at http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/tangungsberichte/id=1051 (accessed Nov. 5, 2009).

43 Lynn Hunt, “Kulturgeschichte ohne Paradigmen?,” and Brantz, Dorothee, “‘Kulturgeschichte ohne Paradigmen.’ Eine Antwort auf Lynn Hunt,Historische Anthropologie 16, no. 3 (2008): 323340 and 343–349CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Matthias Pohlig, “Geschmack und Urteilskraft. Historiker und die Theorie”; Rüdiger Graf, “Was macht die Theorie in der Geschichte?” (quotation 112); Per Leo, “Zehn Jahre Theorieabhängig. Ein Erfahrungsbericht” (quotation 203); all in Theorie in der Geschichtswissenschaft, ed. Jens Hacke and Matthias Pohlig (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2008).

45 Thomas Welskopp, review of Jörg Baberowski, Der Sinn der Geschichte, at http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensionen/2005-4-051 (accessed Nov. 5, 2009). See also, for example, van Bouwel and Weber, “A Pragmatist Defense of Non-Relativistic Explanatory Pluralism,” 168–182.

46 Kocka, Jürgen, Facing Total War: German Society, 1914–1918 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.