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The Rationality of Collective Suicide

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

Noam Chomsky*
Affiliation:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA02139, U.S.A.
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Extract

Surveying the historical record, we can find examples of societies so organized that they drifted towards catastrophe with a certain inevitability, systematically avoiding steps that could have changed this course. Our own society is an example, except that in this case the catastrophe that lies ahead involves national and perhaps global suicide. It is hardly unrealistic to surmise that we may be entering the terminal phase of history.

The course that we pursue is deeply rooted in our social institutions and relatively independent of the choice of individuals who happen to fill institutional roles in the political or economic system. Furthermore, the steps taken towards destruction have a certain short-term rationality within the framework of existing institutions and the kind of planning they engender. Such planning is largely a matter of short-term calculation of gain; this is entirely natural in competitive societies, where those who contemplate the longer term are unlikely to be in the competition when it arrives, and this natural framework of planning carries over to the political system that is, overwhelmingly, under the influence of those who own and manage the private society.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Authors 1986

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References

1 For documentation and more extensive discussion, see my Turning the Tide (Boston, MA: South End Press 1985) and ‘The Drift Towards Global War,’ Studies in Political Economy (Canada) 1985.

2 Jeffrey S. Duncan, ‘How Many Soviet Tests Make a Flurry?’ Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 1985, 8-9

3 Ray, Dennis, ‘Corporations and American Foreign Relations,’ The Multinational Corporation, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Sept. 1972; for further discussion, see my Towards a New Cold War (New York: Pantheon Books 1982), 103f.Google Scholar

4 Clymer, Adam, New York Times, November 11 1984Google Scholar

5 Cohen, Joshua and Rogers, Joel, On Democracy (New York: Penguin Books 1983)Google Scholar

6 See Chomsky, and Herman, E.S., Political Economy of Human Rights (Boston, MA: South End Press 1979),Google Scholar I, 42f.

7 Leffler, Melvyn, ‘The American Conception of National Security and the Beginnings of the Cold War, 1945-48,’ American Historical Review 89 (1984), 346400CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 PPS 23, Feb. 1948; 1950, briefing to Latin American Ambassadors. Kennan's remarks cited from the Top Secret PPS 23 referred specifically to Asia, but the U.S. is a global power, and the same conceptions apply worldwide, as he made clear, for example, in the cited remarks on Latin America.

9 Schlesinger, James, ‘The Eagle and the Bear,’ Foreign Affairs 63 (1985), 937961CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 See Wayland Kennet, spokesman on foreign affairs and defense for the Social Democrat Party in the British House of Lords, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September 1985, 7-11; Ball, George, New York Review, April 11 1985.Google Scholar

11 Allison, Graham T., Essence of Decision (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Co. 1971), 39;Google Scholar Allison is not unmindful of the nature of the catastrophe then impending, beside which ‘the natural calamities and inhumanities of earlier history would have faded into insignificance,’ and notes that ‘the odds on disaster’ were estimated as ‘between one out of three and even.'

12 See my Fateful Triangle (Boston, MA: South End Press 1983) for a (partial) review of the matter concerning the Middle East; other cases of confrontation have arisen since, and new evidence has emerged about earlier crises; and my ‘What Directions for the Disarmament Movement?’ in Albert, Michael and Dellinger, David, eds., Beyond Survival (Boston, MA: South End Press 1983)Google Scholar for discussion of a number of other cases. For further discussion, see Turning the Tide and sources cited.