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Urban Revitalization, Security, and Knowledge Transfer: The Case of Broken Windows and Kiddie Bars

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 July 2014

Randy Lippert
Affiliation:
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Windsor Windsor, Ontario, N9B 3P4Canadalippert@uwindsor.ca

Abstract

This article investigates a downtown revitalization project in a Canadian city and the problem it encountered to shed light on neglected aspects of urban revitalization, security provision, and knowledge transfer. With a gradual shift to “market friendly” downtown land-use, Windsor's core underwent expansion of a night-time, youth-oriented, retail alcohol economy. A security problem with moral dimensions emerged and was deemed to detrimentally affect police patrol resources, residential development and living, and retail business. Using governmentality and Latourian-influenced analytical tools, attention is paid to three interrelated facets: (1) the role of Windsor's downtown business improvement association (BIA); (2) the influential movement of a consultant's report through urban institutions rendered responsible for revitalization; and (3) resulting measures, including an interim control bylaw and then a zoning bylaw targeting and redefining a particular type of licensed liquor establishment called a “kiddie bar.” The implications of this analysis for understanding the role of BIAs, governance “from below,” and knowledge transfer are discussed.

Résumé

Cet article analyse le projet de revitalisation urbaine d'un centre-ville canadien et le problème que posait la mise en lumière d'aspects négligés de relance urbaine, de sécurité publique et de transfert de connaissances. L'utilisation des propriétés du centre-ville de Windsor a peu à peu cédé aux forces du marché et le quartier a connu une prolifération de bars pour jeunes. Le résultat en était un problème de sécurité publique à connotation morale, ce qui a semblé grever les ressources policières et nuire tant à la vie et au développement résidentiels qu'au commerce de détail. En utilisant la gouvernementalité et des outils analytiques influencés par la méthode Latourienne, l'auteur examine; (1) le rôle de la Business Improvement Association (association pour favoriser le commerce) du centre de Windsor; (2) l'influence progressive du rapport d'un consultant auprès des institutions municipales; et (3) les mesures qui en ont résulté, incluant un règlement municipal provisoire suivi d'un règlement de zonage visant à redéfinir un type de bar à permis, appelé «bar pour jeunes» (kiddie bar) L'auteur discute des conclusions à tirer de cette analyse pour comprendre le rôle de la Business Improvement Association, la gouvernance «d'en bas,» et le transfert des connaissances.

Type
Urban Governance and Legality from Below/Gouvernance Urbaine et Légalité d'en Bas
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Law and Society Association 2007

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37 E.g., Valverde & Levi, supra note 13 at 26. The Harris government came to power in 1995 on a hybrid neo-liberal—neo-conservative platform. The City of Windsor was rumoured to have been promised a full ten percent of casino revenues in the 1990s, but what have been a lucrative arrangement never materialized.

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40 Interview 2, ibid.

41 Some residents were able to gain the attention of several City councillors but no consensus on Council formed about the bars as a consequence. A study of youth-oriented, night-time, alcohol-based industries in northern cities in the U.K. found significant age segregation whereby elderly residents were driven away from “entertainment districts.” See Hobbs, D. et al. , Bouncers: Violence and Governance in the Night-time Economy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

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56 Shortly after B.R.'s arrival the International Downtown Association “audited” Windsor's downtown BIA and subsequently encouraged increased spending on “clean and safe” measures, see Interview 5.

57 Interview 4, supra note 34 [emphasis added].

58 See Rose, supra note 16.

59 See Latour, Science in Action, supra note 19.

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71 A code of conduct was introduced into downtown bars by owners and a host program was introduced with support of the BIA after B.R., both of which plainly targeted bar patrons and operators (see Interview 4, supra note 34 & Interview 5, supra note 56). While beyond this article's scope, the code of conduct also implies young bar patrons govern “from below” according to their own logic, which undoubtedly requires having “fun” by making noise, destroying property, and occasionally engaging in violence during various stages of inebriation.

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105 Ibid. at 33 [emphasis added].

106 The BIA's tepid outcry against the prospect of this new zoning is likely due to the fact that only a segment of the downtown would experience new zoning restrictions, but also because some bar owners welcomed this development because they thought it would reduce competition in a fiercely competitive environment, one that had led to marketing strategies such as “one dollar drinks” noted above.

107 Interview 5, supra note 56.

108 Ibid. [emphasis added].

109 Windsor Land-Use Study, supra note 29.

110 Ibid. at 26.

111 Bellmio Report, supra note 23 at 12 [emphasis added].

112 Interview 6, supra note 39.

113 See Windsor Annual Report, supra note 68.

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123 Interview 5, supra note 56.