¹ Perrault's version has been the archetype for the tale in France since the seventeenth century. See Perrault, Charles, Conies, ed. Soriano, Marc (Breteuil-sur-Iton, 1989), 257–62; andGoogle ScholarBeauties, Beasts and Enchantment Classic French Fairy Tales, trans. Zipes, Jack (New York, 1991), 31–5.Google Scholar

² This term is drawn from Abbate, Carolyn, Unsung Voices: Opera and Musical Narrative in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1991). It refers to music that is performed realistically on stage and is perceived as such by die audience as well as die characters.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ In Maeterlinck's play ellipses end each stanza, breaking open the structure of the poem and giving an impression of endlessly unfinished song.Google ScholarSee Maeterlinck, Maurice, Oeuvres complètes, X (Brussels, 1905), 133–80.Google Scholar

⁴ For a brief account of changes in women's civic status, see Weber, Eugen, France: Fin de Siècle (Cambridge, MA, 1986), 83–104.Google ScholarThe literature on representations of women's bodies and sexuality is too extensive to cite here, although Brooks, Peter, Body Work: Objects of Desire in Modern Narrative (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 123–98, is particularly useful.Google Scholar

⁵ See Bettelheim's, Bruno analysis of Perrault's and Grimm's versions of the story in The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales (New York, 1989), 299–303.Google Scholar

⁶ Dukas heard Act I of Pelléas at the home of Henry Lerolle on 18 December 1893. See Grayson, David A., The Genesis of Debussy's ‘Pelléas et Mélisande’ (Ann Arbor, 1986), 17–18, 27–9.Google Scholar

⁷ Fauré set Maeterlinck's poem ‘The King's Three Blind Daughters’ as ‘Mélisande's Song’ — part of his incidental music for the London performance of the play, Pelléas et Mélisande in 1898;Google Scholarsee ‘“Mélisande's Song” of Pelléas et Mélisande’ (Paris, 1937).Google Scholar

⁸ A more extensive study of Mélisande's hair in Pelléas et Mélisande has been offered by Katherine Bergeron in ‘Mélisande's Hair’ (paper read at a conference on Representations of Gender and Sexuality in Opera, SUNY, Stony Brook, 1995).Google Scholar

⁹ Pelléas was staged first in Paris in April 1902, and continued intermittendy diroughout the year. It was revived in the 1902–3 and 1903–4 seasons, and was premiered in Brussels in January 1907, returning to Paris in February 1908. See Grayson, The Genesis of Debussy's ‘Pelléas’, 72–106; andGoogle ScholarPouget, François, ‘L'oeuvre à l'affiche’, in L'æant-Scene Opéra: Pelléas et Mélisande (Paris, 1977), 111–13.Google Scholar

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¹² Laloy, Louis, La Musique retrouvée: 1902–1927 (Paris, 1928), 168.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ For a survey of these positions, see Eckart-Bäcker, Ursula, Frankrekhs Musik zwischen Romantik und Modeme: Die Zeit im Spiegel der Kritik, vol. 2 of Studien zur Musikgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, ed. Thyssen, Fritz (Regensburg, 1965), 256–62;Google ScholarVallas, Léon, Claude Debussy et son temps (Paris, 1958), 219–64. For an analysis of Debussy's debt to Wagner and the anxiety of influence, see Carolyn Abbate, ‘Tristan in the Composition of Pelléas’, 19th-century Music, 5/2 (1981), 117–41.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Dukas, ‘Sur Richard Wagner’, in Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas, 461–5.Google Scholar

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²⁰ Dukas, ‘L'Influence Wagnerienne’, in Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas, 655–62. Note the pun on ‘rayonnement’, which means ‘influence’ as well as ‘radiance’.Google Scholar

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²² Pierre Lalo review in he Temps, 25 June 1907, quoted in L'Avant-Scène Opéra: ‘Le Château de Barbe-Bkue’, ‘Ariane et Barbe-Bleue’ (Paris, 1992), 73;Google Scholarde Busne, Henri, ‘Ariane et Barbe-Bleue de M. Paul Dukas’, Le Mercure musical, 3 (1907), 465–71.Google Scholar

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²⁵ For a survey of other critics who compared Dukas to Wagner, see Eckart-Bäcker, Frankreichs Musik, 262–4.Google Scholar

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²⁸ D'Indy's lectures for the Schola Cantorum (1897–1907) set out a distinctly nationalistic history of French opera, in which he blamed the eclecticism of the Jews for the degeneration of French musical drama into a superficial style whose motivations were, he claimed, more economic than artistic;Google Scholarsee d'Indy, Vincent, Cours de composition musicale, 3 vols., ed. Sérieux, Auguste (Paris, 1933), I, 211–18, and I I I, 103–16. More recently, d' Indy's operas have been singled out for their antisemitic content;Google Scholarsee, for example, Fulcher, Jane, ‘Vincent d'Indy's “Drame Anti-Juif” and its meaning in Paris, 1920’, this journal, 2/3 (1990), 295–319.Google Scholar

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³⁰ George, André, ‘Esquisse pour un portrait intellectuel de Dukas’, La Revue musicale, 17 (1936), 413–17.Google Scholar

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³² Maeterlinck, Maurice, Quinze Chansons, in Maurice Maeterlinck: Poésies complètes, intr. Hanse, Joseph (Brussels, 1965), 191–2; Hanse's introduction (60–1) also gives a brief publication history of the song. It is perhaps significant that Fauré was also attracted to this collection of poems (see n. 7). Like Dukas's song, Fauré's also centres on images of dark, blindness and rescue.Google Scholar

³³ Maeterlinck, Oeuvres completes, X, 144–5.Google Scholar

³⁴ For a discussion of the symbols in Maeterlinck's work, see Lutaud, Christian, ‘Le Mythe Maeterlinckien et l'anneau d'or englouti’, Annales de la Fondation Maurice Maeterlinck, 24 (1978), 57–91.Google Scholar

³⁵ See d'Indy, Cours de composition musicale, I; also ‘A Propos de Prix de Rome: Le Régionalisme musical’, La Revue musicale, 2 (1902), 244–9; andGoogle ScholarDukas, Paul, ‘La Question d’, in Chroniques musicales sur deux siècles: 1892–1932, ed. Richard, Jean-Vincent (Paris, 1979), 203–7.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Laclotte, Michel, ed., The Musée d'Orsay, Paris, trans. Brenton, Jane (New York, 1986) pl. 220.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ For a discussion of the iconography and rhetoric of the Affair, see Griffiths, Richard, The Use of Abuse: The Polemics of the Dreyfus Affair and Its Aftermath (New York, 1991).Google ScholarFor historical accounts, seeArendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1979), 89–120;Google ScholarBredin, Jean-Denis, The Affair The Case of Alfred Dreyfus, trans. Mehlman, Jeffrey (New York, 1986);Google ScholarHyman, Paula, From Dreyfus to Vichy: The Remaking of the French fewry, 1906–1939 (New York, 1979), 1–62;Google ScholarWilson, Stephen, Ideology and Experience: Antisemitism in France at the Time of the Dreyfus Affair (Toronto, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴² Emile Zola, ‘M. Scheurer-Kestner’, Le Figaro, 25 November 1897.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Dukas, Paul, ‘Les Tendances de la musique contemporaine’, in Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas, 667–71.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Aubry, Jean, La Musique française d'aujourd'hui, intr. Gabriel Fauré (Paris, 1916), 18.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Debussy, Claude, ‘Enfin, Seuls! …’, in Monsieur Croche et autres écrits (Paris, 1987), 265–6.Google ScholarFor a discussion of this passage see Messing, Scott, Neoclassicism in Music From the Genesis of the Concept through the Schoenberg/Stravinsky Polemic (Ann Arbor, 1988), 44–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Huré, Jean, ‘Ariane et Barbe-Bleue’, Le Monde musical, 9 (1907), 132–3.Google ScholarMore recently, Cooper, Martin makes a similar point in French Music from the Death of Berlioz to the Death of Fauré (Oxford, 1984), 120: ‘It is impossible to ignore the basic idea of the play: that women in general prefer marriage and security, even on the most degrading terms, to freedom’.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Dukas, ‘Ariane et Barbe-Bleue’, in Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas.Google Scholar