¹ Giulio Castellani, a founding member of the Invaghiti, described the group’s activities as the study of ‘the early poets, and orators … undertaking exercises in imitation of them’ (‘eorum utilitate in veterum Poetarum, ac Oratorum … imitandis se exercent’); all translations are the author’s, unless otherwise noted. The passage appears in his Latin encomium of 1575 on the Academy’s founding sponsor, Giulio Cesare Gonzaga, given in Iulii Castellanii Canonici Faventini Epistolarum, libri IIII (Bologna, 1575), 23. This focus on oratory and poetry is also suggested by Eugenio Cagnani’s public letter of 1612 to the new duke, Francesco Gonzaga, whose discussion of the Academy’s activities mentions poetry and orations read by and for the Academy members most frequently. ‘Lettera cronologica’, from Raccolta d’alcune rime di scrittori mantovani fatte per Eugenio Cagnani, con una lettera cronologica & altre prose, & rime dello stesso (Mantua, 1612), 3–11. A modern edition of the letter can be found in Faccioli, Emilio, ed., Mantova. Le Lettere (Mantua, 1962)Google Scholar, II: 615–23.

² Several letters on the Academy and its activities are available in the Raccolta di cinquantaquattro lettere d’Accademici Invaghiti di Mantova dal 1563 al 1599, Biblioteca Comunale Teresiana di Mantova, Ms. 995. Other letters are available in the Archivio di Stato di Mantova (I-MAa) (e.g., Eugenio Cagnani’s letter to Alessandro Striggio of 18 May, 1612; b. 2725, fasc. II, doc. 88); as well as in the Archivio di Stato di Parma (e.g., Giulio Cesare Gonzaga’s letter to Cesare Gonzaga of 13 January 1568; b. 83). Also see Bernardino Marliani’s Lettere (Venice, 1601), including letters to Academy members Giulio Cesare Gonzaga (139–140) and Annibale Chieppo (262–263). Although the Academy kept an extensive archive of works and writings created by and for the group during the period leading up to Orfeo’s composition, many of these works were lost when Mantua was sacked by German troops in 1640; in addition, many of the Academy members’ letters and more of their works were lost in a fire in the Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino in the early twentieth century. Writings on the Academy’s activities that are based on first-hand research of surviving documents include Maylender, Michele, Storie delle Accademie d’Italia (Bologna, 1926), 363–366Google Scholar; Tiraboschi, Girolamo, Storia della letteratura italiana, 2nd edn (Rome, 1787–94)Google Scholar, I: 280–4; Carnevali, Luigi, ‘Cenni storici sull’Accademia Virgiliana’, Atti e memorie dell’Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova (1887–8), 7–27Google Scholar; Cappellini, Carlo, ‘Storia e indirizzi dell’Accademia Virgiliana’, Atti e memorie dell’Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova (1887–8), 199–213Google Scholar; Affò, Ireneo, Vita del Cavaliere Bernardino Marliani (Parma, 1780)Google Scholar; and Carlo D’Arco, ‘Notizie intorno alla Accademia degli Invaghiti’ and ‘Notizie delle accademie’ (I-MAa, Mss. 48 and 224, respectively). Additional information on the group’s founder, and his role in the Academy’s activities, is available in Franchini, Dario A. et al., ‘“Itinerarium Mantuae”: Mantova vista da uno scienziato del Cinquecento’, in La scienza a corte: collezionismo eclettico, natura e immagine a Mantova fra Rinascimento e Manierismo, ed. Franchini (Rome 1979), 185–212Google Scholar.

³ The primacy of instruction over the moving of the mind and the delight of the ears is discussed by Cicero in De Oratore, II, 28, and Brutus, XLIX: see Cicero on Oratory and Orators; with his letters to Quintus and Brutus, trans. J.S. Watson (Carbondale, IL, 1970), 116, 315. All citations of the writings of the Ancients will include the standard reference numbers, ‘book number, chapter number’, given before the reference information for the edition I have used.

⁴ The letter on which the Invaghiti’s motto is based is available in Cicero, Le lettere familiari latine IX, 14 (Venice, 1567), 118. My thanks to Paola Tosetti Grandi for bringing this connection to my attention.

⁵ Steinheuer, Joachim, ‘Orfeo’, in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, ed. John Whenham and Richard Wistreich (Cambridge, 2007), 119–140Google Scholar.

⁶ Steinheuer, , ‘Orfeo’, 139Google Scholar.

⁷ ‘Le honorate Academie che in molte città d’Italia si sono a questo fine introdotte, fra le quali non deve esser taciuta quella degli Invaghiti di Mantova.’ Guazzo, , Conversatione (Venice, 1604)Google Scholar, 21. All page references will come from this edition.

⁸ Other works that echo Baccusi’s condemnation of ‘female ingratitude’ towards love from worthy suitors include Pusterla’s oration on ‘women’s cruelty’ (mentioned above); Stefano Guazzo’s dialogue on the ‘honour of women’ (‘Dell’honor delle donne’, from his Dialoghi piacevoli (Milan, 1587); and La ghirlanda della Contessa Angela Bianca Beccaria. Similar comments on this ‘ugliest vice’ (‘bruttissima vitio’, from Baccusi’s oration) are found in the Academy members’ narrative works as well, including Ercole Udine’s Psiche (Venice, 1599), available in modern edition, ed. Salvatore Ussia (Vercelli, 2004); and Manfredi’s, MutioIl contrasto amoroso (Venice, 1602)Google Scholar. Perhaps the best-known example of the subject’s treatment at the Mantuan court is Ottavio Rinuccini and Claudio Monteverdi’s Il ballo delle ingrate, though there is no evidence linking this work and the Invaghiti.

⁹ On Orfeo as a part of the debates between Monteverdi and Artusi, see Claude Palisca, ‘The Artusi-Monteverdi Controversy’, in The New Monteverdi Companion, ed. Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (London, 1985), 127–58; Carter, Tim, ‘Cerberus Barks in Vain: Poetic Asides in the Artusi-Monteverdi Controversy’, Journal of Musicology 29 (2012), 461–476CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carter, , ‘Possente spirto: On Taming the Power of Music’, Early Music 21 (1993), 517–523Google Scholar; Carter, , ‘Artusi, Monteverdi, and the Poetics of Modern Music’, in Musical Humanism and its Legacy: Essays in Honor of Claude V. Palisca, ed. Nancy Kovaleff Baker and Barbara Russano Hanning (Stuyvesant, 1992), 171–194Google Scholar; and Ossi, Massimo, Divining the Oracle: Monteverdi’s Seconda Prattica (Chicago, 2003)Google Scholar. The latter view is best represented by Silke Leopold’s frequently repeated characterisation of the work as an ‘apotheosis of music’ (‘Apotheose der Musik’); from Monteverdi und seine Zeit (Laaber, 1982), 124.

¹⁰ The subject of music created for the Invaghiti is mentioned in a letter of 11 May 1589 from Bernardino Marliani to Ferdinando Gonzaga. Lettere di Accademici Invaghiti, 115–115v. At least three musical dramas associated with Invaghiti were created after Orfeo, including the anonymous Il giudizio del congiugale Amore (Mantua, 1625), which was ‘rappresentata in musica’ under the group’s auspices; Baldvino Simoncelli’s L’Europa (Mantua, 1626); and Francesco de Lemene’s Giacobbe al fonte (Lodi, 1700).

¹¹ Castiglione, Baldassare, The Book of the Courtier, trans. Charles Singleton (New York, 1959), 104Google Scholar. Guazzo, , Conversatione, 163vGoogle Scholar.

¹² Monteverdi, Giulio Cesare, ‘Explanation of Claudio Monteverdi’s letter of 1607’, from Strunk’s Source Readings in Music History, rev. edn, ed. Gary Tomlinson, trans. Oliver Strunk (New York, 1998), 538Google Scholar.

¹³ ‘Il variare della voce acquista gratia, & a guisa d’uno istromento di molte corde, apporta sollevamento all’ascoltare, & al dicitore; la qual mutatione s’ha però a fare discretamente à tempo, et secondo la qualità delle parole, & la diversità delle sentenze, & de’ragionamenti.’ Guazzo, , Conversatione, 80Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Tasso’s association with Scipione Gonzaga is discussed by Iain Fenlon, in his article ‘Cardinal Scipione Gonzaga (1542–93): “Quel padrone confidentissimo”’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 113 (1988), 223–49.

¹⁵ Tasso’s quotations are taken from Discourses on the Heroic Poem, trans. Mariella Cavalchini and Irene Samuel (Oxford, 1973), 199. Cagnani expresses high praise for the poet, and in particular for his Gerusalemme liberata. He also suggests that Scipione shared many ‘scientific works’ with the Invaghiti: ‘potendosi lo stesso conoscere anco dalle molte opere di simili scienze composte dall’Illustriss. Scipione Gonzaga, Cardinale di Santa Chiesa.’ ‘Lettera cronologica’, 4–5. Although the phrase ‘composte dall’Illustriss. Scipione Gonzaga’ appears to suggest that Scipione composed the works himself, the verb ‘comporre’ may also refer to the compiling of works for presentation to the Academy, a practice referred to by Guazzo in Conversatione, 148v. In any case, it would be in keeping with common practice to introduce theoretical works composed by persons outside an academy, especially if the author were known to and admired by a particular academy’s membership. The poet’s friendship with Mori is discussed by Balsamo, Jean, Poètes italiens de la Renaissance dans la bibliothèque de la Fondation Barbier-Mueller (Geneva, 2007), 152Google Scholar. Tasso apparently recited a ‘most eloquent’ oration in praise of Santini at a meeting of the Invaghiti in 1564: Molossi, Lorenzo, Vocabolario topografico dei ducati di Parma, Piacenza e Guastalla (Parma, 1832–4), 179Google Scholar.

¹⁶ ‘Non per gioco, non per vanità, non per diletto fù principalmente instituita la musica, ma … come principale stimolo all’opere virtuose. … Non … e’l suono per dilettar semplicemente questi nostri sensi.’ Guazzo, , La ghirlanda, 131–132Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The ‘resonances’ between the two librettos are discussed in Pirrotta, Nino, Music and Theatre from Poliziano to Monteverdi (Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar; Sternfeld, F.W., ‘The Orpheus Myth and the Libretto of “Orfeo”’, and Iain Fenlon, ‘The Mantuan “Orfeo”’, both in Claudio Monteverdi: Orfeo, ed. John Whenham (Cambridge, 1986)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The historical circumstances through which Orfeo became a symbol of the ‘glory’ of Italian music during the early twentieth century are discussed by Dell’Antonio, Andrew, ‘“Il Divino Claudio”: Monteverdi and Lyric Nostalgia in Fascist Italy’, Cambridge Opera Journal 8 (1996), 271–284Google Scholar.

¹⁹ The ‘tragedy of character’ is the fourth species of tragedy discussed by Aristotle in the Poetics XVIII, and the hamartia in Poetics XIII. See The Rhetoric and Poetics of Aristotle, trans. Rhys Roberts and Ingram Bywater, rpt (New York, 1984), 239, 247.

²⁰ Tasso, , ‘Allegory of the Poem’, from Jerusalem Delivered, trans. Anthony Esolen (Baltimore, 2000), 415Google Scholar.

²¹ Ficino’s quote is given in Barbara Russano Hanning, Of Poetry and Music’s Power: Humanism and the Creation of Opera (Ann Arbor, 1980), 27. Ficino’s work almost certainly figured prominently in the Invaghiti’s views on music, given the group’s Neoplatonic inclinations, which are expressed in several works (including Orfeo), and most clearly in a conversation from a meeting of 1564, recorded in a letter from Giulio Castellani to Giulio Cesare Gonzaga on 17 March 1564: Lettere di Accademici Invaghiti, 41. On the manifestations of Neoplatonic philosophy in Orfeo, see Solomon, Jon, ‘The Neoplatonic Apotheosis in Monteverdi’s Orfeo’, Studi Musicali 24 (1995), 27–47Google Scholar.

²² Stevens, Denis, ed., The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi (Oxford, 1995), 110Google Scholar.

²³ Carter, Tim, ‘Wings, Cupids, Little Zephyrs and Sirens: Monteverdi and Le nozze di Tetide (1616–1617)’, Early Music 39 (2011), 489–502Google Scholar; here 494.

²⁴ On oratorical pedagogy in Italian educational institutions during the Renaissance, see Schmitt, Charles B., Aristotle and the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ Mack, Peter, A History of Renaissance Rhetoric, 1380–1620 (Oxford, 2011), 18–24Google Scholar.

²⁶ This survey on oratorical scholarship and practice during the Renaissance is based on Mack’s Renaissance Rhetoric, as well as Thomas Conley’s Rhetoric in the European Tradition (Chicago, 1990).

²⁷ Mack, , Renaissance Rhetoric, 169Google Scholar.

²⁸ Castiglione, Baldassare, Il cortegiano del conte Baldassare Castiglione riveduto, & corretto, ed. Antonio Ciccarelli (Venice, 1593)Google Scholar, introduction (unnumbered).

²⁹ ‘Con maggior eloquenza dire lo stesso … Cicerone.’ ‘Lettera cronologica’, 9.

³⁰ Cicero, De Oratore, III, lvi; I, xii; Oratory and Orators, 255, 19. Cicero’s statements reflect the views of Aristotle, who stated, ‘rhetorical persuasion is effected not only by demonstrative but by ethical argument.’ Aristotle, Rhetoric I, ix; Rhetoric and the Poetics, 55.

³¹ ‘[M]olto più comendata, è una inculta prudenza, ch’un copioso, & stolto cicalamento … non si considera principalmente la forma … ma il peso, & la materia, così nel ragionamento non si dèe tanto mirar la vaghezza, & l’ornamento, quanto … l’utilità.’ Guazzo, Conversatione, 84–84v. Guazzo’s statement on Socrates is given in Conversatione, 14v; compare with Mauro Calcagno’s suggestion that ‘Guazzo’s emphasis on the orator’s use of a ‘living voice … represents for Guazzo an effective instrument of affective persuasion … that might even go beyond the effective content of persuasion’: From Madrigal to Opera: Monteverdi’s Staging of the Self (Berkeley, 2012), 149.

³² On the subject of those poets who rejected this ancient maxim (i.e. literary hedonists), see Sampson, Lisa, Pastoral Drama in Early Modern Italy: The Making of a New Genre (Oxford, 2006)Google Scholar, esp. 134–41.

³³ Tasso, , Heroic Poem, 87Google Scholar.

³⁴ Monteverdi’s discussion of Aristotelian philosophy is discussed at length by numerous authors, including Tim Carter, ‘The Composer as Theorist? Genus and Genre in Monteverdi’s Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda’, from Music in the Mirror: Reflections on the History of Music Theory and Literature for the Twenty-First Century, ed. Andreas Giger and Thomas J. Mathiesen (Lincoln, NE, 2002), 77–116; Chafe, Eric T., Monteverdi’s Tonal Language (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; and Ossi, Divining the Oracle.

³⁵ On the subject of oratorical education through the art of letter writing, see Quondam, Amedeo, ed., Le ‘Carte messaggiere’: retorica e modelli di comunicazione epistolare per un indice dei libri di lettere del Cinquecento (Rome, 1981)Google Scholar. My thanks to Andrew Dell’Antonio for bringing this resource to my attention.

³⁶ Special thanks to Tim Carter for offering insight on the duke’s noblesse oblige in such circumstances.

³⁷ The composer describes his poor health in letters dated 26 November 1608 and 2 December 1608: Stevens, , Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, 45–54Google Scholar.

³⁸ The ‘magnificent’ and ‘severe’ styles are discussed by Tasso in Discourses on the Heroic Poem, 140–5.

³⁹ Carter, Tim, Monteverdi’s Musical Theatre (New Haven, 2002)Google Scholar, 131.

⁴⁰ Several authors have commented on additional shared aspects of these two musical orations. For example, Mauro Calcagno has recently offered an analysis of deictic language within Monteverdi’s works, including the self-deictic statements given by La Musica, ‘Io la Musica son’, and Orpheus’s ‘Orfeo son io’, both of which will be considered from an oratorical perspective below (From Madrigal to Opera, 394). Other shared features that have received significant attention include the use of structured verse, the five-strophe form, the use of ritornellos between the strophes, and poetic cross-references. For an analysis of structured and unstructured verse in these two selections, see Carter, , Monteverdi’s Musical Theatre, 35Google Scholar. On parallel features, see Hanning, , Of Poetry and Music’s Power, 157Google Scholar. A further layer of significance to the relationship between these two selections has been perceived in the way that the shared musical characteristics of Orpheus and La Musica creates an interchangeable dramaturgical dyad; see Calcagno, , From Madrigal to Opera, 195Google Scholar; and Chrissochoidis, Ilias, ‘An Emblem of Modern Music: Temporal Symmetry in the Prologue of L’Orfeo (1607)’, Early Music 39 (2011), 519–530Google Scholar; here 527.

⁴¹ Non-members were occasionally invited to performances of oratorical, poetic, and theatrical works, including Orfeo. The Invaghiti’s practices as an ‘open’ academy are discussed in Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, I: 154.

⁴² ‘Gli antichi, & buoni poeti hebbero per costume di nascondere, & d’adombrare quasi sotto veli i loro concetti per non aprir la strada alla roza, & prosuntuosa plebe d’accostarsi à gli alti, & nobili misterij della poesia; & però non devrebbono imbrattar le carte … secondo la sentenza d’Horatio,

Et di quì è che’l gran Platone dice, che la poesia è ripiena d’enigmi non intesi da tutti; & in confermatione di questo disse Dante:

Sotto il velame de li versi strani.’Guazzo, La ghirlanda, 291. Outside of these ‘academic’ functions, the encomiastic nature of the Prologue may also have served a courtly function, following a common custom by providing a vehicle through which the speaker could flatter the noble audience members by comparing them, the ‘illustrious heroes of noble blood’ (‘incliti eroi, sangue gentil di regi’), to Orpheus’s ‘immortal glory’ (‘gloria immortal’).

⁴³ Institutio Oratoria, IV, i; Quintilian’s Institutes of Oratory; or Education of an Orator, trans. John Selby Watson, 2 vols. (London, 1907), I: 265–6.

⁴⁴ These broad flourishes at the opening of Orpheus’s oration may also run against Cicero’s suggestion that ‘to bawl at the beginning of a speech is boorish’, though in fairness, Orpheus’s flourishes and Cicero’s ‘bawling’ may not have been viewed as analogous by Monteverdi, Striggio, or the members of the Invaghiti. De Oratore III, lxi; Oratory and Orators, 260.

⁴⁵ Brutus XLI, LXX; Oratory and Orators, 305, 336–7. Castiglione makes allowance for self-praise, but only when the occasion permits the speaker to appear to praise him or herself in the natural course of conversation, without appearing to seek the opportunity for self-adulation, a condition which does not apply to ‘Possente spirto’. Castiglione, Courtier, 35.

⁴⁶ ‘It is also an honour to a man … to attribute success itself to the judgment of the immortal gods.’ De Oratore II, lxxxv; Oratory and Orators, 185.

⁴⁷ ‘Infame mostro così fieramente contra la donnesca honestà s’aventano, & quella col dente, & col veleno malignamente lacerano, & deturpano.’

⁴⁸ ‘Non viv’io no, che poi di vita è priva / mia cara sposa, il cor non è più meco, / e senza cor com’esser può ch’io viva?’

⁴⁹ Aristotle, Rhetoric III, xvi; III, xvii; Rhetoric and Poetics, 213, 209.

⁵⁰ Cicero, Brutus, XXXII; Oratory and Orators, 297. ‘Più intenti al suono delle parole, che al peso delle sentenze.’ Guazzo, Conversatione, 78.

⁵¹ Cicero, , Brutus, XCVGoogle Scholar; Oratory and Orators, 364; Steinheuer, ‘Orfeo’, 139Google Scholar.

⁵² For further insight into the possible influence of the counter-moralist views of the Accademia degli Incogniti on the moral ambiguity of Poppea, see Calcagno, Mauro, ‘Signifying Nothing: On the Aesthetics of Pure Voice in Early Venetian Opera’, Journal of Musicology 20 (2003), 461–497Google Scholar; Carter, Tim, ‘Re-Reading Poppea: Some Thoughts on Music and Meaning in Monteverdi’s Last Opera’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 122 (1997), 173–204Google Scholar; Heller, Wendy, ‘Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in L’incoronazione di Poppea’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 52 (1999), 39–96Google Scholar; Fenlon, Iain and Miller, Peter, The Song of the Soul: Understanding Poppea (London, 1992)Google Scholar; and Rosand, Ellen, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre (Berkeley, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁵³ ‘Cara amata regina / avveduta e prudente per tuo sol danno sei / men saggia io ti vorrei … Non fa torto chi gode a chi è sepolto … e chi attende pietà da morto è stolto.’

⁵⁴ ‘L’infamia sta gl’affronti in sopportarsi / e consiste l’onor nel vendicarsi.’

⁵⁵ Guazzo, , La ghirlanda, 126Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Poetics XVII; Rhetoric and Poetics, 245. La Musica’s description of the setting may have been born of necessity as well, if – as modern writers such as Iain Fenlon (in ‘The Mantuan “Orfeo”’) have suggested – the Mantuan production of 1609 lacked the spectacular visual scenery found in contemporaneous musical-theatrical productions, of the kind made for the Florentine entertainments of 1589.

⁵⁷ ‘O de le luci mie luci serene / s’un vostro sguardo può tornarmi in vita / ahi, chi nega il conforto a le mie pene?’

⁵⁸ De Oratore, II, xliv; Oratory and Orators, 133.

⁵⁹ The pacing and performative shape of oratorical speeches is discussed in numerous manuals from the period, nearly all of which are based on the prescriptions found in Aristotle’s Rhetoric III, xiii–xviii; Rhetoric and Poetics, 199–218. For example, Daniele Barbaro suggests that ‘an oration should be proportioned like the human body’ (Della eloquenza; Venice, 1557); cited in Mack, , Renaissance Rhetoric, 171Google Scholar. The importance of a speech’s central point in works which features this type of symmetrical design is discussed at length in Douglas, Mary, Thinking in Circles: An Essay on Ring Composition (New Haven, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ For a detailed consideration on the use of deictic language in Orfeo, see Calcagno, From Madrigal to Opera, ch. 5. This device of self-deictic identification is also found in the anonymous Il giudizio: following a long debate between several mythical and legendary heroines on the subject of marital love, the allegorical personification of Love appears in order to resolve the interlocutors’ debates in a speech that begins, ‘L’Amore io son, l’Amore.’

⁶¹ See, for example, Steinheuer, , ‘Orfeo’, 139Google Scholar, and Chafe, , Monteverdi’s Tonal Language, 148Google Scholar.

⁶² A similar disordering of the dispositio is found in Melanto’s aforementioned oration to Penelope, as the former places the confutatio before the confirmatio, which creates an uneven buildup of energy and momentum throughout the oration. The oration climaxes with a peroratio that is given in dance-style metre, which sacrifices any of the remaining dignity expected of an orator.

⁶³ MacNeil, Anne, ‘Weeping at the Water’s Edge’, Early Music 27 (August 1999), 407–417Google Scholar. On this subject, see also McClary, Susan, ‘Constructions of Gender in Monteverdi’s Dramatic Music’, Cambridge Opera Journal 1 (1989), 203–223CrossRefGoogle Scholar; here 216. This principle appears to apply only to the address of one man to another, however, as opposed to those instances in which a woman sought pity from a man, illustrated in Pluto’s decision to return Eurydice to her husband in response to a plea for pity from Persephone.

⁶⁴ Brutus, IX; Oratory and Orators, 271.

⁶⁵ De Oratore II, iv; Oratory and Orators, 87.

⁶⁶ ‘Questo poco di zuccaro hanno in bocca molti cortegiani: & si può dire, che la moneta loro appare d’oro, se bene al paragone si scuopre d’argento, ò di rame. Ma in ciò mi pare, che ci lasciamo lusingare troppo l’orecchie … & diamo nome di Oratore à tale, che non è altro, che parabolano, & ignorante.’ Guazzo, , Conversatione, 78Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Rhetoric III, xvi. Rhetoric and Poetics, 209. ‘[L]a lingua è lo specchio, & il ritratto dell’animo … comprendiamo a dentro la qualità dell’huomo, & i suoi costumi.’ Guazzo, , Conversatione, 75–75vGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ Castiglione, , Courtier, 290Google Scholar, 298.

⁶⁹ The equation of Orpheus and Narcissus is discussed by Calcagno, , From Madrigal to Opera, 12–13Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Castiglione, , Courtier, 47Google Scholar.

⁷¹ ‘Egli è ben vero, che quest’otio perde il suo nome, quando è convertito in essercitio continovo senza fare altra professione; onde non si potrà chiamare otio quello d’un maestro di musica, che stando tutto dì a sedere, insegni a cantare, o sonare.’ Guazzo, , Conversatione, 164vGoogle Scholar.

⁷² This topic is discussed by Susan McClary in relation to the politics of gender, ‘Constructions of Gender’, 217.

⁷³ Institutio Oratoria, V, xii; Institutes of Oratory, I: 309.

⁷⁴ Gordon, Bonnie, Monteverdi’s Unruly Women: The Power of Song in Early Modern Italy (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar, 6.

⁷⁵ Gordon, , Monteverdi’s Unruly Women, 42Google Scholar.