¹ Polyb. xii. 25 g I, h 5.

² Westlake, , C[lassical] Q[uarterly], 1938, 65–74Google Scholar.

³ According to Hammond, , C.Q., 1938, 137–45Google Scholar, Diodorus followed Theopompus when recording the earlier stages of Timoleon's career and turned to Timaeus only when the excursus of Theopompus on Sicilian affairs ended. Unfortunately the references to political and social reform are more numerous in the chapters derived from Timaeus.

⁴ The lost work of Arrian on Timoleon, (F[ragmenta] H[istoricoruni] G[raecoruni], III, 591)Google Scholar may have contained valuable material, but he too was probably influenced by the Timaeus tradition, as is Nepos in his very brief Timoleon.

⁵ Kahrstedt, , Gr[iechisches] Staatsrecht, 1, 367–8Google Scholar; Huttl, , Verf[assungsgeschichte] v[on] Syrakus, 127Google Scholar; Schwahn, , [Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll] R[eal-]E[ncyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschafi], Suppl. VI, 1130–1Google Scholar; Stier, , R.E., VI A, 1287.Google ScholarScheele, , Strat[egos] Autocr[ator], 48–9Google Scholar, has some doubts, which seem unwarranted.

⁶ Throughout this paper Diodorus xvi is referred to as D., and Plutarch's, Timoleon as P.Google Scholar; where reference is made to books of Diodorus other than xvi or to Lives of Plutarch other than the Timoleon the normal abbreviations are used, as Diod. xix or Plut. Dion.

⁷ The fragment was probably transmitted to Plutarch indirectly through Timaeus and a Hellenistic biographer (Westlake, , C.Q., 1938, 70 n. 8)Google Scholar, but there is no reason why this word should have been altered in the course of transmission. In recording the appointment of Agathocles as a. a. Diodorus (xix. 9. 4) uses the verb μοναρχειν Another passage of Diodorus (xix. 70. 3) implies that Timoleon conducted τήν τών ôλων έπιμέλειαν.

⁸ Kahrstedt, , Or. Staatsrecht, 366–7Google Scholar.

⁹ Timophanes, the brother of Timoleon, could have smoothed his path to tyrannical power i f he had first secured from the populace, which supported him (D. 65. 3), the office of a. a. But he was forced to adopt more violent methods.

¹⁰ Westlake, , C.Q., 1940, 45Google Scholar.

¹¹ Kahrstedt, , Or. Staatsrecht, 366–7Google Scholar, collects the relevant passages. The most important of these, being virtually documentary evidence, is the inscription quoted in 29. 6, in which Κορίνθιοι καί Τιμολέων ό στρατηγós dedicate in Corinthian temples a part of the spoils captured at the Crimisus. The dedication is hot, however, that of the whole army but only of those soldiers who were citizens of Corinth.

¹² The plea of the envoys whom he sent to Corinth to ask for support for his programme of colonization confirms this view (P. 23. 1; cp. 29. 5, βονλύμενος αύτού rήν πατρίδα άνθρώποιs ζηλωτήν είναι

¹³ Hence Plutarch often credits the Corinthians with a nobility of sentiment which the facts belie (2. 2, 3. I, 7. 7).

¹⁴ See above n. 3.

¹⁵ Kahrstedt, , Gr. Staatsrecht, 367Google Scholar, believes that this was the case, but he relies upon the passage in the Comparison (2. 7) cited above, which, as has been pointed out, cannot be accepted as trustworthy evidence. In Diodorus (66. 1) Timoleon is appointed by the Corinthians έπί τήν έν Συρακούσσαιs στρατηγίαν but this does not necessarily imply a dictatorship.

¹⁶ Diod. xix. 9. 4; Polyaen. v. 3. 7 (Schwahn, , R.E., Suppl. vi, 1130)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Scheele, , Strat. Autocr., 35–6.Google ScholarHüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 79 n. 88Google Scholar, is surely mistaken in believing that he was a member of the college of Syracusan strategi.

¹⁸ He was unable to save Nicias and Demosthenes from execution (Thuc. vii. 86. 2).

¹⁹ Kahrstedt, , Gr. Staatsrecht, 30 n. 2Google Scholar and 365 n. 3. The anecdote of Polyaen. i. 42. I is a palpable fabrication, but it at least suggests that Gylippus was not έπί τήν έν Συρακούσσαιs στρατηγίαν when he arrived.

²⁰ Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., III, 2, 380–1Google Scholar.

²¹ Diodorus and Plutarch disagree concerning the abdication of the tyrant, and its date is disputed. My own view is that Dionysius came to terms with Timoleon towards the end of 344, but was not sent to Corinth until the late summer of 343.

²² As Plutarch points out (II. 6), the Siceliots had bitter memories of so-called liberators from Greece.

²³ Beloch, , Or. Gesch., III, 2, 384Google Scholar; Kahrstedt, , Or. Staatsrecht, 368 n. 3Google Scholar.

²⁴ The more autocratic measures of Timoleon are summarized by Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 127Google Scholar.

²⁵ D. 10. 3; Plut, . Dion, 29. 4Google Scholar.

²⁶ This is proved by the story about the appointment of Heracleidas as navarch (Plut, . Dion, 33. 1–3)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Most scholars disbelieve the statement of Plato, (Ep. viii. 353a)Google Scholar that Hipparinus was colleague to Dionysius ( Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., II, I, 410 n. 1Google Scholar; Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 99 n. 2)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Agathocles first held a limited dictatorship of an unusual kind (Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 130 n. 7)Google Scholar for one year, during which he was apparently hampered by colleagues, whether associates in his office or members of a board of strategi (Diod. xix. 9. 3–4). In the following year he attained a full dictatorship.

²⁹ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 100–1Google Scholar(Dionysius) and 131 (Agathocles). a, R.E., Suppl. VI, 1131, maintains that a a. a. at Syracuse could not legitimately carry out reforms unless they were ratified by the assembly. This may be true, though the evidence is inconclusive. But in practice the assembly evidently had no means of rejecting the proposals of the dictator whom it had appointed, as is clear from Dion's second dictatorship.

³⁰ The phrase έδοξε τῴ τιμολέοντι καί τοίς Συρακοσίοιs (P. 22. 7) may be compared with the well-known inscription Ιάρωι Δεινομένεος καί τοί Συρακόσιοι (Tod, , Greek Historical Inscriptions, 22)Google Scholar.

³¹ Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., III, 2, 197Google Scholar, is inclined to believe that Dionysius I was appointed for life, Glotz, , Hist[oire] gr[ecque], III, 387Google Scholar, that he had himself re-elected annually.

³² So Schwahn believes (R.E., Suppl. vi, 1130), but the evidence which he adduces (Diod. xix- 5- 5) refers to the first dictatorship of Agathocles, which was of an unusual and limited character (see n. 28).

³³ Beloch, , Or. Gesch., III, 1, 304Google Scholar. The figures of Hocholzer, , Klio 1936, 164–70Google Scholar, are arbitrary.

³⁴ Hackforth, , C[ambridge][A[ncieni] H[istory], VI, 293Google Scholar n. 1, infers a population of 10,000 in 354–3 from Plato, Ep. vii. 337c, but the interpretation of the passage is uncertain Harward, , The Platonic EpistlesGoogle Scholar, n. ad loc), and the figure may be given exempli gratia without special reference to Syracuse. Nevertheless, it is confirmed to some extent by the size of the Syracusan contingent at the battle of the Crimisus, which was 3000 (P. 25. 4). At that time (341) the programme of colonization, though begun, had not yet proved very successful (see below), but the proportion of men of military age would be abnormally high among the colonists. If Timoleon took with him some three-quarters of the available citizen-militia, the total population would then be about 13,000–15,000.

³⁵ The Oscans to whom Plato refers are surely the mercenaries recruited from Italy by the tyrants. Most were settled in Sicily after their discharge and proved a menace to Greek civilization.

³⁶ Ep. vii. 336d-e. The younger Dionysius claimed to have entertained a similar design (Ep. iii. 315d). A precedent had been established long ago by Hieron, when 5000 Pelopon-nesian colonists were brought to Sicily to form half of the population of Aetna (Diod. xi. 49. 1).

³⁷ Beloch, , Or. Gesch., III, 2, 199Google Scholar; Hiittl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 107Google Scholar. The limited dictatorship of Agathocles was a command επι τωμ ερννατωμ τωμ εμ εικλια ( Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 130 n. 7)Google Scholar.

³⁸ P. 22. 6, rav ελλννεσ’ αναуεμμνμεωσ και μοννμικοσ øεοτοκοπκοπομ (cp. Nepos, , Timol. 3. 3Google Scholar, propugnacula); D. 70. 4, ελλννεσ’ αναуεμμνμεωσ και μοννμικοσøεοτοκοπκοπομ. Stier, , R.E., VIA, 1283Google Scholar, believes that in the latter passage Diodorus refers to the discharge of the tyrant's mercenaries (καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π];, a not uncommon use) by Timoleon. But mercenaries were not slaves, and καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικιαλαβ[π is a very strange phrase to use of their discharge. Moreover, the composition of Timoleon's army at the Crimisus suggests that he did not discharge these troops but took them into his own service.

³⁹ Clasen, , Jahrbucher 1888, 168Google Scholar; Huttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 126Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ D. 82. 3. Some scholars believ e Diodorus to mean tha t 5000 of th e settlers from Greece were Corinthians, i.e. half of the total of 10,000 given by Plutarch (cp. Hackforth, , C.A.H., vi, 293)Google Scholar. This is surely a misinterpretation of the passage. The Corinthians sponsored the enterprise, and the colonists were embarked at Corinth (hence εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ καιαπελενøεþοσ); but it is most improbable that half of the 10,000, which includes returning exiles, were Corinthians. Colonists were normally drawn for the most part from backward districts such as Arcadia.

This chapter in Diodorus (82) is a conglomeration of disconnected notes on events which covered a number of years, but there is no reason to doubt that these notes are arranged in the correct sequence. Thus at some time between the battle at the Crimisus and the peace with Carthage the programme of colonization, so far as settlers from Greece are concerned, was only half completed. He gives further figures later (82. 5).

⁴¹ Carcinus left Thermae when his son was about eighteen, i.e. about 343 (Timaeus fr. 145, F.H.G., I, 230). He was, however, influenced by exceptional circumstances (Diod. xix. 2. 7).

⁴² The promise of citizenship appears to have been fulfilled only after the battle at the Crimisus (Diod. xix. 2.8). But, as has been shown above, very many of the colonists emigrated after this date. Syracusan citizenship may have been offered to some Sicilians who were not colonists. There was some doubt in antiquity whether Timaeus was a Tauromenian or a Syracusan ( Laqueur, , R.E., vi A, 1076–7)Google Scholar, and this may have arisen because the Tauro-menians, or, more likely, the house of Aiidromachus alone, received Syracusan citizenship i n recognition of their services to Timoleon.

⁴³ Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., III, 1, 267Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Ennea Hodoi: Thuc. i. 100. 3, iv. 102. 2; Diod. xi. 70. 5. Heraclea: Diod. xii. 59. 5 (Thuc. iii. 92–3 gives no numbers). For Thurii no figure is available, but it must have been high.

⁴⁶ P. 23. 6. Hackforth, , C.A.H., vi, 293Google Scholar, believes that Plutarch's 60,000 (10,000 from Greece, 50,000 from Italy and Sicily) excludes women and children, but in that case the armies of the Agathocles period would have been larger and the economic recovery of Sicily more striking. On the other hand, the scepticism of Beloch, , Bevölkerung der gr.-rōm. Welt, 277Google Scholar n. 8, who considers that the colonists amounted to only 10,000 in all, is entirely unwarranted.

⁴⁶ Ciaceri, , Stor[ia delle] Mag[na] Gr[ecia], III, 1–9Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Justin xxii. 2. 2. It was from the new elements of the population that Agathocles received most support, and if, as seems likely, Leontini surrendered voluntarily to him, there is a further reason for believing that a section of the colonists was settled there.

⁴⁸ Diodorus states (xiv. 95. 4) that in the time of Agyris (392) the citizen-body numbered 20,000. But his references to his native town are invariably suspect, and this figure, even if it includes neighbouring villages dominated by Agyris, is much exaggerated.

⁴⁹ The colonization of this district was of course posterior to the expulsion of the Cam-panians from Aetna, of Apolloniadas from Agyrium, and of Nicodamus from Centuripa (D. 82. 4). The prosperity of Agyrium is attested by Diodorus (83. 3), that of Centuripa by archaeological evidence ( Ziegler, , R.E., xi, 180Google Scholar; Pace, , Arte e Civiltd [della Sicilia antica], 1, 206)Google Scholar. The position of Morgantina cannot be determined with certainty, but it was probably in this area.

⁵⁰ Diod. xix. 5. 4, 6. 2–3; Justin xxii. 2. 1.

⁶¹ Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., III, 2, 190Google Scholar, concludes from Diod. xix. 6. 3 (εομιμοσαπνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ και απελενøεþοσ) that the inhabitants of Morgantina and other inland towns did not enjoy Syracusan citizenship. But here, as often, Diodorus uses drains very loosely (cp. n. 62 below), and it merely means ‘the present government’. With similar vagueness Justin defines the enemies of Agathocles and of the Morgantinines as ‘the Syracusans’ (xxii. 2. I, 5–6).

⁵² P. 23. 2; cp. Thuc. i. 27. 1, επι τν ιμν και ονοια (the projected Corinthian εποικια at Epidamnus).

⁵³ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 19 n. 22Google Scholar, was the first to explain this phrase, which had previously been considered corrupt. He cites a parallel use in an inscription of Black Corcyra, a Syracusan colony ( Dittenberger, , S[ylloge] I[nscriptionum] G[raecarum, 141 1. 10)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Timol. 3. 2. His words summarize the practical result of the distribution without reference to its avowed intention.

⁵⁵ Arist, . Pol. ii. 1266Google Scholar b 19. At Black Corcyra a limited degree of alienation was permitted ( Dittenberger, , S.I.G.³, 141 I. 8)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Carcopino, , [La] Loi de Hieron [et les Remains], 50–6Google Scholar; Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 139–40Google Scholar. The Syracusan denary, a property-tax proverbially associated with Syracusan prosperity ( Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 104 n. 48)Google Scholar, cannot have been levied at a time of widespread poverty. On the other hand, export-dues, which would enrich the treasury chiefly at the expense of foreign traders, were retained (see n. 118).

⁵⁷ See below p. 93.

⁵⁸ Beloch, M, Gr. Gesch., III, I, 581 n. 4Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Coinage, see below p. 97; archaeology, Marconi, , Agrigento, 108–13Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Diod. xix. 9. 5, where Agathocles promises both. There is no evidence to show whether his promise was fulfilled.

⁶¹ Plato, , Ep. viii. 354eGoogle Scholar, remarks that the passion of the Siceliots for unrestricted freedom led to the tyranny of Dionysius I.

⁶² In the opening chapters of Diodorus xix σννοκρατια is used with some inconsistency (4. 3, 5. 4, 6. 3; cp. n, 51 above). In P. 5. 2 σνμοκρατια is used as the converse of tyranny; the constitution of Corinth was in fact an oligarchy at the time.

⁶³ P. 33- I 34. 6, 38. 4; D. 90. I, ο σανοσ τωμ ενρακοριωμ, cp. P. 39. 5.

⁶⁴ P. 37. 3. 38. 6–7; Nepos, , Timol. 5. 3Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ P. 37. 1–3; Nepos, , Timol. 5. 2–3Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 121Google Scholar; Stier, , R.E., VIA, 1287Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ The theories of Aristotle on ‘mixed’ constitutions are severely criticized by Busolt, and Swoboda, , Or. Staatskunde, 11, 310–11Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Sparta, , Pol. iv. 1294b 19Google Scholar; Laws, Pol. ii. 1265b 27. He is not always consistent: the constitution of Syracuse between the expulsion of the Deinomenids and the reform of Diocles i s described first as noXircia (v. 1304a 27) and later as a democracy (v. 1316a 32).

⁶⁹ I hope elsewhere to examine the question how far Timoleon was influenced by contemporary political theory.

⁷⁰ Busolt, and Swoboda, , Gr. Staatskunde, I, 440Google Scholar, summarize from scattered passages in the Politics the main features of this moderate democracy. Its ideal was και μοννμικοσ øεοτοκοπκοπομ λοσκαι μοννμικοσ øεοτοκοπκοπομλοσ (Pol. vi. 1319 a 3), which seems to have been the aim of Timoleon.

⁷¹ Pol. iv. 1295 b 35–968, cp. Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 127Google Scholar.

⁷² Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 75 and 101 n. 14Google Scholar.

⁷³ xix. 5. 6; cp. Justin xxii. 2. 10–11, senatus.

⁷⁴ Beloch, , Gr. Gesch., III, 1, 590Google Scholar, and IV, i, 180; Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 124 and 128Google Scholar(cp. 76 n. 55); Wickert, , Gnomon, 1933, 22Google Scholar; Glotz, , Hist, gr., III, 416Google Scholar, cp. iv, 376 (by Roussel). A body known as και μοννμικοσ øεοτοκοπκοπομλοσ formed a very important part of the Massaliot constitution (Strabo iv. 179); the date of its inception is not recorded.

⁷⁵ Freeman, , Hist[ory] of Sic[ily], iv, 514–17Google Scholar; Tillyard, , Agathocles, 92–3Google Scholar; Cary, , C.A.H., VII, 618Google Scholar; Scheele, , Strat. Autocr., sin. 72Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Sanctis, De, Rivista di Filologia, 1895, 289 n. 3Google Scholar(who, however, maintains that Timoleon instituted an oligarchy). The crimes of two leaders of the Six Hundred, which Diodorus (xix. 3. 3) claims to have recorded in his previous book (falsely, unless they were included in a lost part of Book xviii), seem to have been a series of violent acts rather than the overthrow of the constitution.

⁷⁷ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 128 n. 3Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Laqueur, , R.E., VIA, 1162–3Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Busolt, and Swoboda, , Gr. Staatskunde, I, 467–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 121–4Google Scholar, gives a very full account; cp. Ziegler, , R.E., XVIII, 191–2Google Scholar. 81 81 D. 70. 6, ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικιαλαβ[π Though the priesthood had been instituted long ago, there is no evidence that it bore the title of Amphipolia before this time.

⁸² Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 121–2Google Scholar; Stier, , R.E., VIA, 1288Google Scholar.

⁸³ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 122–3Google Scholar with full references. The exact significance of the statement that the three candidates were elected ex tribus generibus ( Verr. ii. 51. 126) is not altogether clear, but the above explanation is generally accepted (cp. ibid., iv. 61. 137, homo nobilis).

⁸⁴ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 123Google Scholar, gives a list.

⁸⁵ Verres seems to have gained no substantial advantage by securing the appointment of his creature Theomnastus to the Amphipolia. The part played by the latter in the depredations of his patron was in a private capacity or in concert with others (Verr. ii. 21. 50, iii. 43. 101). Cicero describes the office as sacerdotium (ibid., ii. 51. 126–7) and implies that it conferred more distinction than authority (ibid., iv. 61. 137).

⁸⁶ Diodorus imagines that Timoleon instituted the Amphipolia immediately after the liberation of Syracuse (70. 6). This is improbable, since constitutions cannot be framed and put into operation without some delay (cp. P. 24. 3). Yet the election of Callimenes must belong to the first years of Timoleon's dictatorship.

⁸⁷ Schwahn, , R.E., Suppl. VI, 1129–30Google Scholar. The size of the board cannot even be guessed, as the number of strategi in other periods of Syracusan history fluctuates considerably ( Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 77)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Diod. xix. 3. 1 (Damas), 3. 3 (Antander). The strategi probably did not appoint their subordinates: Damas nominated Agathocles to be chiliarch, but this was an exceptional case n i which a chiliarch had died in the course of a campaign. Normally chiliarchs were appointed by the demos (ibid., 3. 4).

Timoleon must have built up a new army organization, gradually disbanding his mercenary force. But evidence is lacking. The ιλαρξαι who distinguished themselves in the final defeat of Hicetas (P. 31. 4) were certainly Syracusan citizens and not mercenaries.

⁸⁹ P. 38. 4. See above p. 76.

⁹⁰ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 124 n. 35Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Kern, , Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, 74 11. 1–4. The word apxovrts is supplied only by restorationGoogle Scholar.

⁹² Diod. xiii. 35. 3 and xvi. 70. 5, 82. 6–7; P. 24. 3 (cp. Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 92–3, 98, 125)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Glotz, , Hist, gr., 11, 175Google Scholar, but the extent of Protagoras debt is disputed ( Ciaceri, , Stor. Mag. Gr., 11, 354)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Laqueur, , R.E., VIA, 1159Google Scholar; Hammond, , C.Q., 1938, 140–1Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ D. 90. 1; cp. P. 39. 5. The restoration of freedom and autonomy to Sicilian cities is mentioned several times (cp. D. 72. 5, 73. 2; P. 24. 1), but this refers primarily to liberation from tyranny without much regard to their subsequent status.

⁹⁶ Acragas: Diod. xix. 3. 1 (probably an imperialistic venture by the oligarchical party). Messana: ibid., 65. 1–5.

⁹⁷ This is the inference of Meltzer, , Gesch. der Karthager, I, 336–7Google Scholar, from the circumstances recorded in Diod. xix. 65. 5. Since their defeat at the Crimisus the Carthaginians had gained some successes, and it is difficult to understand why they should have agreed to renounce their association with the tyrants unless they were promised substantial advantages. Plutarch (34. 2) omits a clause which was in reality a concession to Carthage. Timoleon was probably glad that Syracuse should be formally debarred from pursuing a policy of which he himself disapproved.

⁹⁸ Parke, , Gr[eek] Mercenary] Sold[iers], 173 n. 4Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Head, , Hist[oria] Num[orumy, 117 and 125–6Google Scholar; Giesecke, , Sic[ilia] Nttm[ismaticd], 69–70Google Scholar. Issues of a later date which retain εуμμαξικον ( Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 81, 167Google Scholar) show that the alliance was not wholly dissolved.

¹⁰⁰ Griffith, , Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1939, 71Google Scholar with notes, explains the character of this κοιμν ειρνμν and gives a full bibliography. A settlement of a somewhat similar nature had been advocated by Hermocrates (whether sincerely or not) in the epilogue of his speech at Gela (Thuc. iv. 64).

¹⁰¹ Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 123Google Scholar.

¹⁰² The consideration which he showed for all Sicilians, whether Greek or barbarian, is emphasized by Pace, , Arte e Civiltá, 1, 243–4Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ [Dio Chrys.] xxxvii. 20–1. According to Plutarch (23. 7) the statues were sold by auction, but this seems less likely.

¹⁰⁴ Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 66–70Google Scholar(cp. the minting of gold mentioned below).

¹⁰⁶ Since Deinarchus and Demaratus became agents of Philip (Parke, Gr. Merc. Sold., 173 with notes), they must have returned to Greece soon after the battle at the Crimisus and were perhaps accompanied by part of the mercenary army.

¹⁰⁶ A fleet would have been valuable to Timoleon both for the suppression of piracy and for the conduct of his later campaigns. Yet naval operations are mentioned only once, and these took place just before his resignation and were apparently on a small scale (P. 34. 4, cP. 37. 9). The maintenance of a navy—an expensive luxury, as Dion had found ( Plut, . Dion, 50. 1)Google Scholar —was beyond the financial resources of the new Syracuse.

¹⁰⁷ Freeman, , Hist, of Sic., iv, 349Google Scholar(by Evans); Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 64–6Google Scholar. The electrum coinage of Syracuse, which use d to be assigned to Dion ( Head, , Hist. Num., I 178)Google Scholar, is now believed to have bee n a military issue of Dionysius I continued by his son ( Seltman, , Gr[eek] Coins, 187–8Google Scholar; cp. Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 60–3Google Scholar, who is inclined to assign most of the electrum issues to Dionysius II).

¹⁰⁸ Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 64Google Scholar, exaggerates the extent of Corinthian aid, relying presumably upon a vague and non-committal statement by Diodorus (6. 5).

¹⁰⁹ See above p. 93. no Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 73Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Seltman, , Or. Coins, 191–2Google Scholar.

¹¹² Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 75Google Scholar; Seltman, , Or. Coins, 193Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Diod. xi. 72. 2; cp. the honours paid to Zeus Eleutherios at Samos, Hdt. iii. 142.

¹¹⁴ D. 83; cp. Hammond, , C.Q., 1938, 138–9Google Scholar and 144–5. Plutarch is content with vague eulogy (36. 8–9) and supplies no details about economic recovery.

¹¹⁵ Knorringa, , Emporos, 98–9Google Scholar, collects the literary evidence for the export of Sicilian corn to Greece down to the time of Demosthenes, the most instructive passage being Thuc. iii. 86. 4. He might have added Theopomp. fr. 193 (Jacoby), where the principal gift of many sent by Hieron I to a Corinthian is a shipload of corn.

¹¹⁶ I[nscriptiones] G[raecae], 11.² 408; cp. Heichelheim, , R.E., Suppl. vi, 849Google Scholar. Ziebarth, , Beit[rage] zur Gesch. des Seer[aubs und Seeh[andels], 70Google Scholar, refuses to accept the restoration, but there seems no reason why Heracleots should not have traded in Sicilian corn.

¹¹⁷ Dem. xxxii. Cosman, , Demosthenes Rede tegen Zenothemis, 30, gives this dateGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁸ In addition to Cosman's monograph, Ziebarth, , Beit, zur Gesch. des Seer, und Seek, 50–2Google Scholar, and Clerc, , Massilia, I, 301–6Google Scholar, deal with the circumstances of this speech. The payment of export-dues on the cargo (18, probably the regular 2% imposed by most states) indicates one source from which the new Syracuse derived its revenue (cp. Diod. xxvi. 8, where immunity from dues is granted to Rhodian corn-transports by Hieron II). That the shiP.owner engaged in this transaction and his accomplice were Massaliots and not Syracusans may well be fortuitous; but much of the Syracusan merchant-navy must have been lost during the years of civil strife, and little money was available to make good these losses.

¹¹⁸ [Dem.] lvi. 9, ο εικελικοσ καταπλονσ. The date is about 323.

¹⁸⁰ Tarn, , C.A.H., VI, 448–9Google Scholar; Glotz, , Hist, gr., iv, 209–11Google Scholar(by Cohen); Michell, , Economics of Ancient Greece, 275–8Google Scholar. In the third century another Athenian famine was relieved by corn from Syracuse (S[upplementum] E[pigraphicum] G[raecum], in, 92).

¹²¹ Gsell, , Hist[oire] anc[ienne] de l'Afr[igue] du Nord, iv, 125–7Google Scholar.

¹²² Diod. xxi. 4. Other tyrants had indulged in buccaneering: shortly before the arrival of Timoleon in Sicily the west coast of Italy was plundered by Greek raiders thought to be Sicilian tyrants (Livy vii. 25–6).

¹²³ Ormerod, , Piracy in the Ancient World, 129–30Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ I.G., n. 2 1629, especially 11. 217–20. Some scholars believe this colony to have been situated far up the Adriatic, but it would be in a better position to protect traffic-routes if it were nearer to the straits of Otranto.

¹²⁵ D. 82. 3. His name is Italian, and he may have been a native of Antium. The incident s i not recorded by Plutarch and was probably discreditable to Timoleon, who seems to have acted treacherously. Tyrrhenian coins resembling those of towns allied with Timoleon ( Giesecke, , Sic. Num., 69Google Scholar) suggest that he employed men whose normal occupation was buc-caneering. 126 See above n. 106. 127 Moschion ap. Athen. v. 209 a.

¹²⁸ Sicilian cheese was still famous at the close of the fourth century or beginning of the third (Philemon fr. 76, Kock).

¹²⁹ Pace, , Artee Civiltd, 1, 367–418Google Scholar, gives a detailed survey of Sicilian products and trade in antiquity. The evidence is very disappointing in volume. Sicilian exports to Egypt in the Hellenistic period included horses, pigs and sulphur.

¹³⁰ Rostovtzeff, , C.A.H., VIII, 577Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Scramuzza, , Roman SicilyGoogle Scholar(in Frank, Tenney, Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, VIII), 253Google Scholar.

¹³² Frank, Tenney, C.A.H., VII, 800Google Scholar.

¹³³ Pace, , Artee Civilta, i, 371Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ Carcopino, , Loi de Hidron, 1–75Google Scholar; Hüttl, , Verf. v. Syrakus, 137–40Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Gsell, , Hist. one. de VAfr. du Nord, iv, 10Google Scholar; Toutain, , Economic Life of the Ancient World, 190Google Scholar. The soldiers of Agathocles were impressed by the richness of the countryside near Carthage, but in the highly coloured description of Diodorus (xx. 8. 3–4) corn-fields are not mentioned.

¹³⁶ Polyb. iii. 24; for the date see Last, , CAM., VII, 861Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ As Schachermeyr shows (Rh. Mus., 1930, 361)Google Scholar, this policy of maintaining a mare clausum would be pointless unless the shipping of all commercial states were excluded.

¹³⁸ It may be objected that Agathocles received 200,000 medimni of corn from the Cartha-ginians by the treaty of 306 (Diod. xx. 79. 5, cp. Gsell, , Hist. anc. de I'Afr. du Nord, IV, 11 n. 1)Google Scholar. But conditions were then abnormal. Military operations of preceding years must have so ruined Siceliot harvests that production failed to meet the demands of home consumption, and the corn surrendered by the Carthaginians was very probably drawn from their overseas possessions and not from Africa, which had itself suffered invasion.

¹³⁹ Laqueur, , R.E., VIA, I 194Google Scholar. There is some archaeological evidence of commercial relations between Carthage and Greek Sicily ( Gsell, , Hist. anc. de I'Afr. du Nord, IV, 151–2)Google Scholar, but, like all archaeological evidence of Carthaginian commerce, it is unimpressive.

¹⁴⁰ This paper was completed before the publication of Rostovtzefs Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World. Had that work contained an account of Sicilian economic development from the time of Agathocles onwards, I should doubtless have wished to rewrite my last section-a wish which, owing to a temporary change of profession, I could scarcely have fulfilled. Sicily is, however, a part of the Mediterranean world with which, alas, Rostovtzeff has not allowed himself to deal in detail.