Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-8bljj Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-03T08:37:18.234Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Multilingual literacy at the Lusignan court: the Cypriot royal chancery and its Byzantine heritage*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2016

Alexander Beihammer
Alexander Beihammer*
Affiliation:
University of Cyprus
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

An important aspect of the social and administrative transformations resulting from the establishment of Western feudal lordships and colonial regimes in Byzantium and the Eastern Mediterranean was the emergence of a multilingual literacy in the contact zones between foreign elites and the native population. This article examines these phenomena with respect to the royal chancery of the Lusignan kingdom of Cyprus from the late twelfth until the beginning of the fourteenth century. It is argued that the Frankish ruling class of the island opted for a parallel use of Latin and Byzantine chancery practices without fusing them into hybrid mixtures. The Lusignan lords adopted Byzantine titles, symbols of authority and modes of expression for legal transactions with Greek subjects and the local tax system. Another area in which the heritage of the imperial chancery helped express new forms of hegemonial self-representation was the kingdom’s diplomatic relations with non-Frankish rulers.

Type
Articles
Information
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies , Volume 35 , Issue 2 , 2011 , pp. 149 - 169
Copyright
Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

My warmest thanks go to Chris Schabel (University of Cyprus) for his careful reading and numerous linguistic amendments. A constant source of inspiration was the most recent study of Jean Schotz, Selçuklu Türkiye zamaninda kedi ve köpek arasindaki kavgalar (Mazotos, Gazimağusa 2010).

References

1 For the discussion on literacy, see, for example, the contributions collected in Pohl, W. and Herold, P. (eds.), Vom Nutzen des Schreibens: Soziales Gedächtnis, Herrschaft und Besitz (Vienna 2002) esp. 9–19 Google Scholar.

2 Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307, 2nd edn (Oxford 1993)Google Scholar.

3 For the discussion of these problems in Western medieval studies, see, for example, McKitterick, R., The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geary, P. J., Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium (Princeton 1994)Google Scholar; Keller, H., Grubmüller, K. and Staubach, N. (eds.), Pragmatische Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter: Erscheinungsformen und Entwicklungsstufen (Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums 17-19 Mai 1989) (Munich 1992)Google Scholar.

4 Dölger, F. and Karayannopulos, J., Byzantinische Urkundenlehre: Erster Abschnitt: Die Kaiserurkunden (Munich 1968) 34 Google Scholar, 99–103, 123–5; for the role of Latin notaries in the Palaiologan imperial chancery, see Oikonomidès, N., ‘La chancellerie impériale de Byzance du 13e au 15e siècle’, REB 43 (1985) 167-95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 172-3.

5 For a recent survey of these phenomena, see D. Jacoby, ‘Multilingualism and institutional patterns of communication in Latin Romania (thirteenth-fourteenth centuries)’, in Beihammer, A., Parani, M. and Schabel, C. (eds.), Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication (Leiden, Boston 2008) 27–48 Google Scholar.

6 Breccia, G., ‘II ΣΙΠΛΛ10Ν nella prima età Normanna. Documento pubblico e semipubblico nel Mezzogiorno ellenofono (1070-1127)’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 79 (1999) 1–27 Google Scholar; Becker, J., ‘Die griechischen und lateinischen Urkunden Graf Rogers I. von Sizilien’, Quellen und Vorsehungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 84 (2004) 1–37 Google Scholar.

7 Brühl, C., Urkunden und Kanzlei König Rogers II. von Sizilien (Cologne, Vienna 1978)Google Scholar.

8 Mayer, H. E., Die Kanzlei der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, I (Hanover 1996) 11–54 Google Scholar; ibid., Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, 4 vols. (Hanover 2010) I, 36–59.

9 Richard, J., ‘La diplomatique royale dans les royaumes d’Arménie et de Chypre (XIIe–XVe siècles)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 144 (1986) 69–86 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 69–76. See for instance the corroboratio in a privilege from 1246 granted by King Hethum I and his wife Zabel to Venice: Tafel, G. L. and Thomas, G. M., Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 vols. (Vienna 1856-1867; hereafter TTh) II, 426-9Google Scholar, no. 307.

10 Röhricht, R., ‘Une lettre de l’impératrice Marie de Constantinople’, Archives de l’Orient Latin 2 (1884) 256-57Google Scholar (facsimile of a letter issued by Empress Maria in 1213); Dölger, F., Facsimiles byzantinischer Kaiserurkunden (Munich 1931) 63 Google Scholar, no. 59, pi. 23 (a letter of Emperor Baldwin II from 1243); in addition, see F. Dölger, ‘Die Kaiserurkunde der Byzantiner als Ausdruck ihrer politischen Anschauungen’ in idem, Byzanz und die europäische Staatenwelt (Darmstadt 1964) 9–33, at 31 n.81. For this type of signature in general, see Kresten, O., ‘Μηνολόγημα: Anmerkungen zu einem byzantinischen Unterfertigungstyp’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 102 (1994) 3–52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 See Jacoby, D., ‘From Byzantium to Latin Romania: continuity and change’, in Arbel, B., Hamilton, B. and Jacoby, D., Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204 (London 1989) 1–44 Google Scholar, at 3; idem, ‘Multilingualism’, 28–45; C. Gasparis, ‘Catastica Feudorum Crete: Land ownership and political changes in medieval Crete (13th–15th centuries)’, in A. Beihammer, M. Parani and C. Schabel (eds.), Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500, 49–61.

12 See the discussion below, p. 155–63.

13 A list of surviving Cypriot royal charters covering the period until the end of the reign of King Henry I (late 1253) is provided by Mayer, , Kanzlei von Jerusalem, II, 512-13Google Scholar, 545. No royal charters are preserved from the years of King Hugh II’s minority (1253–1267); Röhricht, R., Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (MXCVII-MCCXCI) and Additamentum (Innsbruck 1893-1904; hereafter RRH)Google Scholar has noted seven extant documents for the reign of Hugh III of Antioch-Lusignan (1267–1284) and the first years of Henry II (1285–1291): no. 1368, 1370, 1374b, 1375, 1461, 1466, 1518. For the following period until the revolt of Amaury de Lusignan in 1306, there seems to be another gap in the transmission.

14 The texts are published by Latrie, M. L. de Mas, Histoire de l’île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, II (Paris 1852) 39 Google Scholar, 51-8.

15 For a full description of the manuscript, see Constantinides, C. N. and Browning, R., Dated Greek Manuscripts from Cyprus to the Year 1570 (Washington, D.C., and Nicosia 1993) 153-9Google Scholar.

16 For a new edition of these documents and a thorough discussion of the intellectual and social environment in which the manuscript was composed, see Beihammer, A., Griechische Briefe und Urkunden aus dem Zypern der Kreuzfahrerzeit: Die Formularsammlung eines königlichen Sekretärs im Vaticanus Palatinus Graecus 367 (Nicosia 2007)Google Scholar; for a brief survey of the formulary’s contents according to thematic categories, see op. cit., 137–46.

17 Mayer, , Kanzlei von Jerusalem, II, 510-25Google Scholar.

18 For the first appearance and the general significance of this formula in royal documents, see Erben, W., Die Kaiser- und Königsurkunden des Mittelalters in Deutschland, Frankreich und Italien (Munich and Berlin, 1907, repr. Darmstadt, 1967) 322-3Google Scholar. For the data-per-manus formula in Crusader documents, see for instance Cartulaire général de l’ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem (1100-1310), 4 vols., ed. Delaville le Roulx, J. (Paris 1894-1906) I, 283 Google Scholar, no. 409 (King Amalric, 20 August 1169) and 303, no. 437 (Bohemond III of Antioch, September 1172). For a new edition of the above royal charter, see now Mayer, , Urkunden der lateinischen Könige, II, 591-95Google Scholar, no. 341. This work also enables us to know that in Jerusalen the formula appears for the first time in a document of King Baldwin III dated 19 February 1146: ibid., I, 399–401, no. 215.

19 The oldest surviving Cypriot charter of Lord Guy (dated 15 August 1994) ends with a simple actum according to the model of private documents: ‘Actum in Nicossia anno dominice incarnacionis M°C°XC°IIII°, indictione XIIa, epacta XXVII, XVIII kl. septembris’; the text is edited by Mayer, , Kanzlei von Jerusalem, II, 916–8Google Scholar, no. 16. The data-per-manus formula first appears in two charters of Guy’s brother Aimery from 29 September 1195 and May 1196, respectively (RRH no. 723 and 729): Coureas, N. and Schabel, C., The Cartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia (Nicosia 1997; hereafter Cartulary) 141-2Google Scholar, no. 45: ‘Data per manum Alani, Liddensis archidiaconi, anno Dominice Incarnationis M° centesimo LXXXXV, tertio kalendas Octobris, indinone quartadecima’, and Mas Latrie, Histoire, II, 30: ‘Datum per manus Alamiros anno ab Incarnatione Domini MCXCVI, mense Madii, indictione XIV.’

20 Cartulary, 77, no. 2: ‘et dilecto filio A[lano], cancellano Cypri.’ For Alain’s career, see Mayer, , Kanzlei von Jerusalem, II, 284-9Google Scholar; for the establishment of the Latin Church of Cyprus, see Coureas, N., The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195-1312 (Aldershot 1997) 3–6 Google Scholar.

21 RRH, no. 737; Cartulary, 142–3, no. 46.

22 For a detailed analysis of the Cypriot charters drafted by William until 1218, see Mayer, , Kanzlei von Jerusalem, II, 530-57Google Scholar. For the period after 1218, apart from a few remarks in Richard, ‘Diplomatique royale’, there exists no study on the diplomatics of Lusignan charters. A photograph of a charter of King Hugh I dated to September 1217 can be found in Hubatsch, W., ‘Der Deutsche Orden und die Reichslehnschaft über Cypern’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen aus dem Jahre 1955 (Göttingen 1955) 245–306 Google Scholar, after 276.

23 See, for example, Edbury, P., ‘The “Cartulaire de Manosque”: a grant to the Templars in Latin Syria and a charter of King Hugh I of Cyprus’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 51 (1978) 174-81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 175 (September 1210): ‘Ego, Hugo, per Dei gratia rex Cypri’; Cartulary, 167, no. 62 (March 1220): ‘Ego, Acliyz, Dei gratia regina Cipri’; 154, no. 53 (December 1233): ‘Ego, Henricus, Dei gratia rex Cipri’; 165, no. 60 (July 1234): ‘que je, Henri, par la grace de Dieu roy de Cipre’; 158, no. 56 (October 1270): ‘Nos Hug[ue], par la grace de Dieu XII roy de Iherusalem Latin et roi de Cipre’; 161, no. 57 (January 1286): ‘Nous, Henris, par la grace de dieu XIIIe roi de Iherusalem Latin, et roi de Cipre.’

24 See the list of variants in Briefe und Urkunden, 89–90.

25 See Actes d’lviron II, ed. Lefort, J., Oikonomidès, N. and Papachryssanthou, D. [Archives de l’Athos 16] (Paris 1990) 105-7Google Scholar, no. 37: ‘Θεόδωρος προνοίη θεοΰ πρόεδρος και δουξ Θεσσαλονίκης και Σερρων ó Δαλασσηνός.’

26 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 20, 1. 7.

27 See the examples cited above, n. 23.

28 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 20, l. 19, 35; no. 21, l. 5, 6; no. 22, ll. 6–7, 12; no. 23, l. 15; no. 27, ll. 7, 17, 20, 22; no. 28, ll. 9, 15, 17, 21; no. 32, l. 9.

29 Dölger and Karayannopulos, Kaiserurkunden, 47.

30 Cartulary, 148–9, no. 50: ‘nostre seigneur H[enri], par la grace de Dieu noble roy de Cipre’, ‘notre seignor le roi devant nommé.’

31 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 31, l. 23.

32 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 3, ll. 3–4. For Byzantine parallels, see, for example, the recurrent use of the phrase ‘τοΰ κραταιοΰ καΐ άγίου ήμών αύθεντου και βασιλεως’ in the thirteenth-century cartulary of the monastery of Lembiotissa: Miklosich, F. and Müller, I., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols. (Vienna 1860-1890, repr. Athens 1996; hereafter MM)Google Scholar, IV, no. 2, 5, ll. 35–36 and 9, 11. 17–18; no. 7/3, 36, l. 11; no. 7/6, 41, ll. 13–14.

33 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 39.

34 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 39, ll. 3, 5–6, 8–9 (καλοκάγαθος βασιλεία), 11, 14, 17–19 (φιλάνθρωπος καΐ έλεήμων κριτής), 22, 25.

35 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 45.

36 For both types of imperial documents and their characteristics, see Dölger and Karayannopulos, Kaiserurkunden, 109–12, 125–7.

37 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 45, ll. 4, 23.

38 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 45, ll. 1–3, 13, 17, 20–22; for the Byzantine parallels, see Beihammer, A., ‘Gruppenidentität und Selbstwahrnehmung im zyprischen Griechentum der frühen Frankenzeit’, JÖB 56 (2006) 205-37Google Scholar, at 235-6.

39 For this institution, see Le livre des remembrances de la secrète du royaume de Chypre (1468-1469), ed. J. Richard avec la collaboration de Th. Papadopoullos [Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus 10] (Nicosia 1983) xvii–xxviii Google Scholar; Grivaud, G., ‘Ordine della secreta di Cipro: Florio Bustron et les institutions francobyzantines afférentes au régime agraire de Chypre à l’époque vénitienne’, Μκλέται και Υπομνήματα 2 (1992) 533-92Google Scholar.

40 See above, n. 39; in addition to the two sources mentioned above, further information on the Franco-Venetian fiscal administration and its Byzantine roots can be drawn from a practico, i.e., ‘fiscal survey’, composed by Florio Bustron: Imhaus, B., ‘Un document démographique et fiscal vénitien concernant le casal du Marethasse (1549)’, Μελέται και Υπομνήματα 1 (1984) 375–520 Google Scholar.

41 Mayer, H. E., ‘Die Register der Secrète des Königreichs Jerusalem’, Deutsches Archiv 57 (2001) 165-70Google Scholar; for the Palestinian equivalent in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, see Riley-Smith, J., The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1174-1277 (London, 1973) 58–61 Google Scholar (the first piece of evidence dates to 1160).

42 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 6.

43 Ibid., no. 6, ll. 2–3: τοΰ εύγενικωτάτου ορχοντος τοΰ crup Ζωάν Μαρτην κα’ι ποτε πράκτορος Κΐΐπρου. The presence of the family Martin in Cyprus can be traced back to the arrival of Guy de Lusignan on the island (see Briefe und Urkunden, 323–4 n. 28). For the French title grand bailli or bailli de la secrète, see Riley-Smith, Nobility, 59, and Richard, Livre des remembrances, xi–xii.

44 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 6, 1. 4.

45 Briefe und Urkunden, no. I, ll. 13–16.

46 See Trinchera, F., Syllabus graecarum membranarum (Naples 1865) 17 Google Scholar, no. 16 (dated to 1016).

47 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 2.

48 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 2, ll. 4–6: έπ\ τφ άναθεωρήσαί τε αύτήν, όποίας £χει της καταστάσεως, καΐ άναγραφην άπάσης της νήσου ποιήσασθαι.

49 Dölger, F., Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung besonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, (Leipzig, Berlin 1927, repr. Darmstadt 1960) 80-3Google Scholar, 88-90.

50 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 3, l. 14; for the Byzantine fiscal registers, see Dölger, Finanzverwaltung, 97–98.

51 For similar conclusions with respect to the assessment and levy of land taxes, see Grivaud, G., ‘Formes byzantines de la fiscalité foncière chypriote à l’époque latine’, Επετηρίδα Κέντρον Επιστημονικών Ερεννών 18 (1991) 117–127 Google Scholar, and Nicolaou-Konnari, A., ‘Greeks’, in eadem, and Schabel, C. (eds.), Cyprus: Society and Culture 1191-1374 (Leiden, Boston 2005) 13–62 Google Scholar, at 33. In this respect, the aforementioned texts provide evidence for the fact that the Frankish lords along with fiscal practices also adopted a considerable part of the Byzantine bureaucracy and the administrative documents, especially the keeping of katasticha.

52 A glance at the situation in Frankish Greece shows that translations of Greek fiscal registers were carried out at a rather late stage. The Maggior Consiglio of Venice, for instance, ordered the translations of the registers of the Venetian colonies Coron and Modon on the Peloponnesus not earlier than in 1318; see Jacoby, ‘Multilingualism,’ 43–4.

53 See Nicolaou-Konnari, ‘Greeks’, 50.

54 Ioannides, G. A., ‘La Constitutio о Bulla Cypria Alexandri Papae IV del Barberinianus graecus 390’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 66 (2000) 335-72Google Scholar, esp. 366-67.

55 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 101.

56 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 101, ll. 42–44.

57 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 101, ll. 33–5.

58 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 101, l. 4 (ol τον τίμιον σταυρσν οίκειοχείρως έν τη άρχϋ τοθ ϋφους έγχαράξαντες), ll. 34–35 and l. 44–45.

59 Briefe und Urkunden, nos. 19, 20–21, 32, 83.

60 For the political situation in the Seljuk sultanate in first decades of the thirteenth century, see C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 119–25, 165–67; idem, The Formation of Turkey, trans. P. M. Holt (Harlow 2001) 47–55; and Savvides, A. G. C., Byzantium in the Near East (Thessalonike 1981), esp. 86–105 Google Scholar, 123-33, 139-49.

61 We know the names of two of them, a certain Kyr Alexios, emissary of the Seljuk sultan to the Cypriot royal court, and a certain Kyr Zacharias, emissary of King Hugh to the Seljuk sultan; see Briefe und Urkunden, no. 20, l. 11 and no. 83, l. 5.

62 See, for instance, Kedar, B. Z., ‘Religion in Catholic-Muslim correspondence and treaties’, in Beihammer, A., Parani, M. and Schabel, C. (eds.), Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500, 407-21Google Scholar, at 416–17 with further reference.

63 See Kedar, ‘Catholic-Muslim correspondence’, 411–16.

64 See F. Dölger, ‘Der Vertrag des Sultans Qalā’ūn von Ägypten mit dem Kaiser Michael VIII. Palaiologos (1281)’, in idem, Byzantinische Diplomatik: 20 Aufsätze zum Urkundenwesen der Byzantiner (Ettal 1956) 225–44, and O. Kresten and A. Müller, ‘Die Auslandsschreiben der byzantinischen Kaiser des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts: Specimen einer kritischen Ausgabe’, BZ 86/87 (1993/1994) 402–29.

65 Hebraeus, Bar, Chronicon Syriacum, ed. Bedjan, P. (Paris 1890) 231 Google Scholar, ll. 9–16; see further Dölger, and Wirth, , Regesten, part 2, Regesten von 1025–1204 , 2nd rev. edn. (Munich 1995) no. 900 Google Scholar.

66 See Beihammer, A., ‘“Der byzantinische Kaiser hat noch nie was zustande gebracht:” Diplomatische Bemerkungen zum Briefverkehr zwischen Kaiser Isaak II. Angelos und Sultan Saladin von Ägypten’, in Belke, K., Kislinger, E., Külzer, A. and Stassinopoulou, M. A. (eds.), Byzantina Mediterranea: Festschrift für Johannes Koder zum 65. Geburtstag (Vienna, Cologne 2007) 13–28 Google Scholar.

67 Bībī, Ibn, Histoire des Seldjoucides d’Asie Mineure d’après l’abrégé du Seljouknāmeh d’Ibn Bībī, ed. Houtsma, M. T. (Leiden 1902) 57–58 Google Scholar (treaty with Alexios Komnenos) and 66–67 (treaty with King Leo II).

68 TTh, II, 221–25; on this treaty, see Martin, M. E., ‘The Venetian-Seljuk Treaty of 1220’, EHR 95 (1980) 321-30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for Muslim-Christian treaty making in general, see Holt, P. M., Early Mamluk Diplomacy, 1260-1290 (Leiden, New York, Cologne 1995)Google Scholar; Theunissen, H. P. A., ‘Ottoman-Venetian diplomatics: The ‘ahd-names. The historical background and the development of a category of political-commercial instruments together with an annotated edition of a corpus of relevant documents’, Electronic Journal of Oriental Studies 1 (1998) 1–698 Google Scholar, at 24-50.

69 Ibn Bībī, 57, l. 17 and 58, l. 3.

70 Ibn Bībī, 66, l. 11–12, 13–14 (manšūr-i mu’addid bi-mālikīyat-i ān mamlakat), l. 16–17 (manšūr-i taqrīr-i mamlakat).

71 Ibn Bībī, 66, l. 18-20.

72 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 19, ll. 8, 13-14.

73 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 19, 1. 13, and no. 20, ll. 1, 5, 51.

74 Ibn Bībī, 57, l. 17, and 66, l. 19.

75 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 83, ll. 35-36.

76 See Dölger, and Wirth, , Regesten, part 3, Regesten von 1204–1282 , 2nd rev. edn (Munich 1977), no. 1934 Google Scholar; Pieralli, L., La Corrispondenza diplomatica dell’imperatore bizantino con le potenze estere nel tredicesimo secolo (1204-1282) (Vatican State 2006), no. 9 Google Scholar.

77 Dölger and Wirth, Regesten, no. 2026; Pieralli, Corrispondenza, no. 19.

78 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 20, ll. 2, 8-9, 51, and Pieralli, Corrispondenza, no. 9, 187, 189, no. 19, 286, 288.

79 While the use of wax seals among clerics and noblemen was more widespread in Cyprus than on the Palestinian mainland, the only known parallel case of a royal wax seal is that of Queen Alice during her regency for Henry I, something that is probably due to her respect for her son’s exclusive right to the royal lead seal: Mayer, H. E., Das Siegelwesen in den Kreuzfahrerstaaten (Munich 1978) 75 Google Scholar, 85.

80 Mayer, Siegelwesen, 72-4.

81 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 20, ll. 53-54.

82 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 83, ll. 1-2.

83 Briefe und Urkunden, no. 83, ll. 37-38.

84 Dölger and Karayannopulos, Kaiserurkunden, 123.

85 TTh, II, 221.

86 TTh, II, 225.

87 For the use of the words Rūm and ‘Ρωμανία in the official title of the Sel juk sultans and Turcoman leaders in Asia Minor, see Shukurov, R., ‘Turkoman and Byzantine self-identity: Some reflections on the logic of the title-making in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Anatolia’, in Eastmond, A. (ed.), Eastern Approaches to Byzantium (Aldershot 2001) 259-75Google Scholar, esp. 264-70, according to whom the terms mean both the territory of the Roman empire in general sense and the Anatolian lands conquered by Turks in particular. For the Venetian podestà’s title see Pieralli, Corrispondenza, no. 1, ll. 4–6.

88 For the imperial title elements, see Rösch, G., ONOMA ΒΑΣΙΑΕ1ΑΣ: Studien zum offiziellen Gebrauch der Kaisertitel in spätantiker und frühbyzantinischer Zeit (Vienna 1978) 43-7Google Scholar; Kresten, O., ‘Zur Rekonstruktion der Protokolle kaiserlich-byzantinischer Auslandsschreiben des 12. Jahrhunderts aus lateinischen Quellen’, in Scholz, C. and Makris, G. (eds.), ΠΟΛΥΠΛΕΥΡΟΣ ΝΟΥΣ: Miscellanea für Feter Schreiner zu seinem 60. Geburtstag (Leipzig 2000) 125-63Google Scholar, esp. 147–50. For the titles used by the Seljuk chancery of Konya, see Turan, O., Türkiye Selçuklulari hakkmda resmi vesikalar: Metin, tercüme ve araştirmalar (Ankara 1958)Google Scholar, for example 84 (Persian text), no. 62: letter of Sultan Rukn al-Dīn Kiliç Arslan to his brother Sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn Kay-Kā’ūs written in late November 1256. For the titles used in the legends of Seljuk coins, see Galib, I., Taqvīm-i meskūkāt-i Selcūkīye (Istanbul 1309)Google Scholar esp. 4; Artuk, I., ‘II. Keyhüsrev’in üç oğlu adina kesilen sikkeler’, in Malazgirt Armağani (Ankara 1972) 269-96Google Scholar (for the period between 1249 and 1258); C. Artuk, ‘III. Keyhüsrev ve sahte Selçuklu sultani Cimri adina kesilen sikkeler’, in op. cit. 287–96; Shukurov, ‘Turkoman and Byzantine self-identity’, 259-75, esp. 261-2. For title making in the framework of Byzantine-Muslim diplomacy during the later period, see Korobeinikov, D., ‘Diplomatic correspondence between Byzantium and the Mamlūk sultanate in the fourteenth century’, al-Masāq 16 (2004) 54–74 Google Scholar.

89 Korobeinikov, D., ‘A Greek Orthodox Armenian in the Seljukid service: the colophon of Basil of Melitina’, in Shukurov, R. (ed.), Mare et litora: essays presented to Sergei Karpov for his 60th birthday (Moscow 2009) 709-24Google Scholar, at 709-10.

90 Michael the Syrian, Chronique, 4 vols., ed. and trans. Chabot, J.-B. (Paris 1899-1910), III, 394 Google Scholar (IV, 728), quotes a letter of Sultan Kiliç Arslan II (1155-1192) addressed to the author, in which the sultan calls himself rabbā sultān d-Qāppadhūqāyā w-Sūrāyā w-Armanāyā, ‘the grand sultan of Cappadocia, Syria and Armenia’. On the notion of ‘Ρωμανία and the East in Turkish-Muslim titles, see Shukurov, ‘Turkoman and Byzantine self-identity’, 264–75; see also Korobeinikov, ‘A Greek Orthodox Armenian’, 710.

91 To the best of my knowledge, there is no parallel for such an expression in the surviving Persian and Arabic texts of the Seljuk chancery. A certain similarity can be found among the official titles of the Mamluk sultans of Egypt. The fifteenth century chancery handbook of al-Qalqashandī, Subh al-a’shā fī sinā’at al-inshā, 15 vols., ed. Shams al-Dīn, M. H. (Beirut n. d.), VI, 1201 Google Scholar, mentions the honorific malik or sultan al-’Arab wa-l-’Ajam wa-l-Turk, i.e., ‘King or sultan of the Arabs, Persians and Turks’.

92 Fekete, L., Einführung in die osmanisck-türkische Diplomatik der türkischen Botmäβigkeit in Ungarn (Budapest 1926) 13 Google Scholar n. 6; moreover, references to rule over sea and land can be found in the official titles for foreign rulers used by the Mamluk chancery of Egypt: al-Qalqashandī, Subh al-a’shā, VI, 164.

93 TTh II, 221: ‘ex parte altitenentis, felicis, magni generis, magni Soldant Turkie, domini Alatini Caicopadi.’

94 Akropolites, George, Historia, in Georgii Acropolitae Opera, 2 vols., ed. Heisenberg, A., rev. edn. Wirth, P. (Stuttgart 1978)Google Scholar I, 14, ll. 13-14, trans. Macrides, R., George Akropolites: The History (Oxford 2007) 124 Google Scholar, 127-8.

95 Cahen, Formation of Turkey, 49-51.

96 Imbriotes, Kritoboulos, Historia, ed. Reinsch, D. R. (Berlin 1983) 3 Google Scholar, ll. 7-10; MM III, 325, no. 23/6; Lefort, J., Documents grecs dans les archives de Topkapi Sarayi: contribution à l’histoire de Cem Sultan (Ankara 1981) 41 Google Scholar; for Greek documents preserved in the archives of Topkapi Saray (Topkapi Sarayi Arşivleri) and the use of the Greek language by the early Ottoman chancery, see op. cit., 3-27.