1.
Bryer, A.A.M., ‘Byzantine Agricultural Implements: the Evidence of Medieval Illustrations of Hesiod’s Works and Days’, ABSA
81 (1986)45–80
;
Kaplan, M., Les hommes et la terre à Byzance du Vie au Xle siècle. Propriété et exploitation du sol (Paris
1992) 46f
.;
Harvey, A., Economie Expansion in the Byzantine Empire 900-1200 (Cambridge
1990) 122–25
. For an assessment of the Geoponika, see
White, K.D., Roman Farming (London
1970) 32, 45–46
.
2.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 68-69, 85–87
.
3.
Watson, A.M., Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World. The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques 700-1100 (Cambridge
1983) 103-11, 140
. See also
Ashtor, E., A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (London
1976) 45-48, 171
. For Byzantine irrigation projects, see
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 134–35
.
4.
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 122–23
. For a discussion of the social and economic reasons for the continued use of less efficient types of water-mill, ibid., 128-33.
5.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 544–49
.
6.
Ibid., 500-20. One problem with Kaplan’s tables is his interpretation of the demosiarios as aparoikos of the state, ibid., 264-68. For the argument that the demosiarios was simply a peasant who owed the demosion (land-tax) to the state, see most recently
Harvey, A., ‘Peasant Categories in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries’, BMGS
14 (1990) 250–56
. If this latter view is correct, then Kaplan’s calculations will need revision.
7. For this range of obligations, see
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 102–9
.
8.
Ibid., 147, 158-59.
Laiou-Thomadakis, A.E., Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. A Social and Demographic Study (Princeton
1977) 120–27
.
9.
Dunn, A., ‘The Exploitation and Control of Woodland and Scrubland in the Byzantine World’, BMGS
16 (1992) 254–57
.
10.
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 64
; for instances where the paroikoi of landowners encroached on other properties, ibid. 62.
11.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 304-6, 493, 565–66
. See also
Zivojinovic, M., ‘The Trade of Mount Athos Monasteries’, ZRV1 29-30 (1991) 101–15
.
12.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 86–87
.
13.
Hendy, M.F., Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c.300-1450 (Cambridge
1985) 570–90
; idem, ‘Byzantium, 1081-1204: an Economic Reappraisal’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series 20 (1970) 31-52; ‘“Byzantium, 1081-1204’: The Economy Revisited, Twenty Years On’, in The Economy, Fiscal Administration and Coinage of Byzantium (Northampton 1989) 1-48; A.P. Kazhdan,
Epstein, A.W., Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (California
1985) 25–39
.
14.
Lemerle, P., The Agrarian History of Byzantium from the Origins to the Twelfth Century (Galway
1979) 48-51, 188
;
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 529–30
.
15.
Haldon, J.F., Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The Transformation of a Culture (Cambridge
1990) 143–46
.
16.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 529–30
.
17.
Runnels, C., Andel, T. van, ‘The Evolution of Settlement in the Southern Argolid, Greece: An Economic Explanation’, Hesperia
56 (1987) 304–9
. See also
Bintliff, J.L., Snodgrass, A.M., ‘The Cambridge/Bradford Boeotian Expedition: The First Four Years’, Journal of Field Archaeology, 12 (1985) 123–61
;
Wright, J.C., Cherry, J.F.
et al, ‘The Nemea Valley Archaeological Project: A Preliminary Report’, Hesperia, 59 (1990) 617
;
Blackman, D., Branagan, K., ‘An Archaeological Survey of the Lower Catchment of the Ayiofarango Valley’, ABSA
72 (1977) 13–84
.
18.
Malamut, E., Les îles de l’empire byzantin (VlIIe-XIIe siècles) (Paris
1988) 128–40
;
Tsougarakis, D., Byzantine Crete from the 5th Century to the Venetian Conquest (Athens
1988) 132–54
.
19.
Kaplan, , Les hommes, 531–40
.
Morris, R., ‘The Powerful and the Poor in Tenth-Century Byzantium: Law and Reality’, Past and Present
73 (1976) 27
.
20.
Lefort, J., Oikonomides, N., Papachryssanthou, D., Metreveli, H., Actes d’lviron I: Des origines au milieu du Xle siècle (Archives de l’Athos 14) (Paris
1985) no. 10
.
21.
Angold, M., ‘The Shaping of the Medieval Byzantine “City”’, BF
10 (1985) 1–37
;
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 198–243
;
Foss, C., Byzantine and Turkish Sardis (Harvard, 1976); idem, Ephesus after Antiquity. A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979); idem, ‘Archaeology and the “Twenty Cities” of Byzantine Asia’, American Journal of Archaeology, 81 (1977) 469-86. For evidence of peasant prosperity in western Asia Minor until the thirteenth century, see M. Angold, A Byzantine Government in Exile. Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea (1204-61) (Oxford 1975) 103, 131.
22.
Hendy, , Studies, 104
.
23.
Lefort, J., ‘Population et peuplement en Macédoine orientale IXe-XVe siècle’, in Kravari, V., Lefort, J., Morrisson, C., eds., Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin II VHIe-XVe siècle (Paris
1991) 63–82
; idem, ‘Rural Economy and Social Relations in the Countryside’, DOP 47 (1993) 101-13;
Harvey, , Economie Expansion, 47f
.
24. In addition to the references cited above in n.17, see
Dunn, , ‘The Exploitation and Control of Woodland’, 242–53
.
25. For a recent survey of Byzantine monetary history, see
Morrisson, C., ‘Monnaie et finances dans l’empire byzantin, Xe-XIVe siècle’, in Kravari, Lefort, Morrisson, eds., Hommes et richesses, 291–315
.
26.
Haldon, J.F., ‘Military Administration and Bureaucracy: State Demands and Private Interests’, BF
19 (1993) 52–54
; idem. ‘Military Service, Military Lands, and the Status of Soldiers: Current Problems and Interpretations’, DOP Al (1993) 63;
Dunn, , ‘The Exploitation and Control of Woodland’, 266–72
.
27.
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 113
.
28.
Jacoby, D., “The Venetian Presence in the Latin Empire of Constantinople (1204-1261): the Challenge of Feudalism and the Byzantine Inheritance’, JOB
43 (1993) 175
.
29. See
Angold, , ‘The Shaping of the Medieval Byzantine “City”’, 1-37 and Harvey, Economic Expansion, 214–24
for further references.
30.
Hendy, , Studies, 157
;
Morrisson, , ‘Monnaie et finances’, 297–98
.
31. Although the upsurge in commerce in the eleventh and telfth centuries is generally accepted, there is disagreement about the importance of trade in the economy and of merchants in Byzantine society. For contrasting recent work, see
Hendy, , Studies, 570–602
; idem. ‘Byzantium 1081-1204: The Economy Revisited’, 26; P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel 1 Komnenos 1143-1180 (Cambridge 1993) 142-50. Although Magdalino produces a good deal of evidence relating to commerce and lays great emphasis on the activities of western merchants, he does not directly confront Hendy’s discussion of the size of the western investment in Byzantium. Magdalino’s argument that the Theban silk industry was largely a response to Italian demand, ibid. 144-45, has been very persuasively challenged by
Jacoby, D., ‘Silk in Western Byzantium Before the Fourth Crusade’, BZ 84/85 (1991-92) 452–500
, who argues that the shift from providing raw materials to manufacturing finished products occurred in Thebes, Corinth and other smaller centres during the later eleventh century at the initiative of the local landowning elite, largely in response to a growing internal market which resulted from a general economic expansion. He also stresses the advantage which Thebes had over Constantinople in access to raw silk and purple dye.
32.
Haldon, , ‘Military Administration’, 57–59
.
33.
Magdalino, P., The Empire of Manuel I. Komnenos 1143-1180, 164–70
.
34.
Harvey, , Economic Expansion, 68
.
35.
Harvey, A., ‘Financial Crisis and the Rural Economy’, in Mullett, M., Smythe, D., eds., Alexios I Komnenos (Belfast
1995) 167–84
; idem, ‘The Land and Taxation in the Reign of Alexios I Komnenos: the Evidence of Theophylakt of Ochrid’, REB 51 (1993) 139-54.
