² K, 294, 1; BM, 1958.

³ K, 291, 8; BM, 79.

⁴ 291, 8.

⁵ 291, 7.

⁶ 298, 11 f.

⁷ e.g. 75 kandū tūgan Er Manas ‘blook-born Er Manas’, see below, p. 554.

⁸ cf. ‘Ir-Kosay’ in Valikhanov's transcription.

⁹ 291, 8; 298, 11.

¹⁰ ‘In his tenth year he shot [his first] arrow, on reaching his fourteenth he became a palacedestroying khan’. Manas's genealogy in this short poem, which I have elsewhere names ‘R’, differs from that of K, and it therefore belonged to a different tradition. The formula is thus clearly a migratory motif.

¹¹ See below, p. 547 f.

¹² 291, 5 = 292. 7 (though not in identical words).

¹³ cf. my article ‘The birth of Manas’, Asia Major, NS, XIV, 2, 1969.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See part I of this article, BSOAS, XXXII, 2, 1969.Google Scholar

¹⁵ As Radlov translates it, it could be a chance encounter on the Chatkal: ‘Am Tschatkal will ich Manas einen guten Kampf bereiten’. Under ač II, Yudakhin, Slovaŕ, renders ač bilek as ‘sil' naya ruka’; under bilek he lists the collocation ak bilek ‘beloruchka’. Reference to ač I 2 ‘svetly’ would give ‘gleaming (fore)arms’. The emphasis is on Kanikey's beauty as a prize, not on her strength as a fighting-woman, cf. BM, 58 (cited in pt. I, p. 352), which assures ač against ak. K in a parallel passage has belye ruki, ibid.

¹⁶ See below, p. 566 f.

¹⁷ BM, 277.

¹⁸ 291, 10.

¹⁹ PP. 544 ff.

²⁰ Part I, 356.

²¹ BM also has a passage in which Bok Murun voices ineffective resentment towards Manas: 249 ‘If the Hothead comes he will create public disorder; if he wants to come, let him, if not, so be it!’

²² 291, II ff.

²³ ‘Ocherki Dzhungarii’, written in 1860, Sobranie sochineniy, I, 421, 3.Google Scholar

²⁴ cf. Oguz-name, 16, 5 f. kōk allug bdÜk bir rkäk bōri.

²⁵ On the date of K (i.e. the text of the extant translation, not the lost original), see part I, 344. Since 1860, Valikhanov may have met the Manas-epithet ‘Hyena’.

²⁶ See pp. 544 ff., below, and n. 42.

²⁷ Radlov, v, I, (3), 358; cf. Oguz-name, 16, 5 quoted in n. 24, above.

²⁸ v, I, (2), 1790; (5), 1056.

²⁹ 66 ff., ‘Der im Wald mit Bären kämpft, Der da anfällt wilde Tiger ⃛’.

³⁰ See ‘The birth of Manas’, loc. cit.

³¹ Radlov, v, I, (1), 63.

³² See ‘The birth of Manas’, 233ff.

³³ 530: ‘Er, der Fuss des Jölönüsch Berg's, Er, der Wolf von allen Moslim, Manas⃛’ (correct, except that keri I = kerüü I = ‘summit’ or ‘green slope of high mountain’); similarly 590 ‘Du [Manas], der Fuss des Jölünüsch [!], Du der Wolf der Muselmane’; and 676 ‘Unser [Bistin] Fuss des Jölönüsch Berg's, Unser Wolf der Muselmane, Held Manas⃛’; but at 1080 (Kök Koyan speaking) ‘Hier am Fusse des Jölönüsch, ich, der Wolf der Muselmane⃛’. ‘Hier am Fusse’ and ‘ich’ are of course wrong: Kök Koyan is really apostrophizing Manas, to whom the epithet applies.

³⁴ Radlov thus. He therefore vacillates between keri and kerä, only the former of which is supported by Yudakhin' Slovaŕ.

³⁵ Radlov now capitalizes Sarl. His text also reads: Jōlōüš. At Kōskaman, 2500 f., jōlōnÜš sari ker ekänkōk jal tōbōt bōru ekän, Radlov renders: ‘Ist ein mächtig gelbes Ross, ist ein Wolf mit blauer Mähne’. Here Radlov seems to have ‘emended’ to ker ‘dark bay (of animal’s coat)’. He obviously failed to recognize the couplet.

³⁶ Radlov bōrÜdäi; cf. 358 bōrÜdōi.

³⁷ There is a shamanistic atmosphere in these images of a predator of the skies and a predator of the plains, linked: cf. the self-projections of Volkh Vseslav'evich as a bright falcon of the sky and grey wolf of the land in the Russian bylina that bears his name (Sbornik Kirshi Danilova, VI). The series is ‘correctly’ completed by the pike of the water (cf. the bylina of Vol'ga and Mikula: shchukoy-ryboyu khodit' emu v glubokikh moryakh, / ptitsey–sokolom letat‵ pod oboloka, / serym volkom ryskat′ vo chistykh polyakh); but SKD completes it with a discrepant non–predator—a dun aurochs with golden horns In the ‘Raid of Igor’, Vseslav ranges as a wolf.

³⁸ cf. part I, 346.

³⁹ As with Sari–-bulak ‘Yellow Steram’, cf. part I, 360.

⁴⁰ V, I, (2), 66 ff.

⁴¹ Manas and Alman Bet become ‘foster–-brothers’ in their young manhood: the withered breasts of Manas’s mother Čakan marvellously flow again with milk so that she can suckle both V, I, (2), 1846 ff.

⁴² 995; 1286; 1293. At 995, Radlov omits the length–-mark on kū, but has it at 1286 and 1293.

⁴³ At 995, Radlov unaccountably applies the first part of the formula to košoy: ‘Kan Manas, der Tigergleiche, Zum Wolf'ug’gen, zum graub'rtigen, [sic comma] Helden Koschoy⃛’, At 1286 and 1293 he correctly attributes the couplet to Manas.

⁴⁴ pp. 566 ff.

⁴⁵ See below, p, 568 and n. 147.

⁴⁶ See ‘The birth of Manas’, 234.

⁴⁷ Yudakhin, Slovar′, s.v.

⁴⁸ It occurs once only in BM.

⁴⁹ Apart from the lexical erroe with bettängän (see p. 544, n. 29, above), Radlov has made a slip over ayu ‘bear’.

⁵⁰ For baštangan see p. 543, above.

⁵¹ cf. Yudakhin, op. cit., sub tÜlÜk.

⁵² The arrangement as verse is the writer's: Valikhanov set it as prose.

⁵³ See p. 565, below.

⁵⁴ šapanin agazinan oimaktai kalganda kelārmin, Radlov, Obraztsy, III, 1870, 95,

⁵⁵ See pp. 554 ff., below.

⁵⁶ See ‘Bishbaliķ’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second ed.

⁵⁷ Once again, one cannot feel quite certain that the edition of 1961, for all its painstaking attentions to Valikhanov actually wrote. N. I. Veselovskiy, ‘Sochineniya Chokana chingisovicha Valikhanova’. Zapiski Imperat. Russk.Geograf. Obshchestva, otdel Étnograf., XXIX, 1904, 217, reads zapertyya.

⁵⁸ jaskan at BM, 30 must be emended to jasagan (cf. BM, 476, below). ačkan at(2), 397 is taken from ešigin ačakn at 395.

⁵⁹ See part I, 356.

⁶⁰ Working together with bards, scholars of Kirgizia ought to be able to recapture it.

⁶¹ See part I, 345.

⁶² See part I, 346 and 357.

⁶³ 401 berištäri ought presumably to read berištäläri, cf. berišteler, pl. of berište ‘angel’. thus the only one of these two instances that has the 2nd pers. possess. (of Košoy) seems to be corrupt.

⁶⁴ A commonplace for heads, helmets, etc.

⁶⁵ In his Slovar′ Yudakhin quotes and translates sub ĵōlō–- our lines 403—-4: but wholly admirable as his dictionary otherwise is, he sometimes forgets the poetic contexts from which he has excerpted his instances. In 403–4 he supplies the unexpressed object in brackets as tebya ‘thee’. Radlov has ‘deine Engel’.

⁶⁶ H. M. and N. K. chadwick, The growth of literature, II, 1940, 37.

⁶⁷ In the symposium Kirgizskiy geroicheskiy ėpos Manas, Moscow, 1961, 133 ff. and 154. The unpublished study is entitled ‘Dzhakhangir–-khodzha v épose i istorii’ and is by A. A. Valitova.

⁶⁸ Valikhanov, op. cit., II, 316 f.

⁶⁹ ibid.

⁷⁰ p. 552.

⁷¹ BM, 1246 ff.

⁷² Valikhanov, op. cit., II, 322.

⁷³ p. 552.

⁷⁴ II, 323.

⁷⁵ For initial ‘M’ see also Radlov, v, II (Joloi–kan), 4740 Mis Kara.

⁷⁶ Karča for karš i ?

⁷⁷ The query after Jagir is Radlov's. He omits ‘Abila Jagir’ in his translation: ‘Kan Kojo [i.e. Koyo!], der macht’ge Held’ The text requires emendation to Kah KoIIom in Radlov’s adapted Cyrillic = modern kan Koĵom, Radlov's Kojom = modern Koyom. See n. 78.

⁷⁸ ‘Abila’ sic. Cf. 1653 ‘Abilai’ [sic] Jagir Kan Kojo, where Radlov has Ш correctly in KoШoH. See n. 77.

⁷⁹ Radlov of course knew this rank well: yet he renders mejin as ‘Pekin’! ‘Zog zum Ka, pfe selbst nach Pekin’, which is absurd. Subsequently in this action (ĵir) Kan Kojo [Radlov: Koyo] is mentioned thrice (455; 457; 461, in the last instance in connexion with his blessing). It would take up too much space here to try to disentangle Radlov’s misconceptions.

⁸⁰ See p. 566 f., below.

⁸¹ menen after a noun means primarily ‘with’.

⁸² Zhirmunskiy, art. cit. p. 167.

⁸³ Recueil de documents sur l‵ Asie Centrale, Paris, 1881, 62.

⁸⁴ ibid. and p. 50.

⁸⁵ p. 50.

⁸⁶ In a footnote on Burzuk, Im bault–-Huart records that when in 1862 the Dungans in turn rose against the Manchus, Burzuk was invited, as the last representative of the family of Hojas, to lead it, and that Muhammad Ya‘qūb was thus one of his followers (p. 50). Burzuk can have been little more than a nominal religious jeader, since in his account of the Rising in Lose Blātter aus sibirien, second ed., II, 1893, 393 ff., Radlov does not mention him. Wen-djang Chu, The Moslem rebellion in north-west china, 1862–-1878, The Hague, 1966, 163, refers to him as ‘Buzurg Khan’,: ‘Buzurg Khan, a descendant of the former khoja ruling house of Kashgar, came into Sinkiang from⃛Khokand in January 1865. He made himself the king of Kashger. Beford long he was replaced by Yakoob Beg, his chief of staff’. (After this was written, The life of Yakoob Beg⃛Ameer of Kashgar, London, 1878, by D. C. Boulger, come into my hands. Boulger based himself chiefly on the official report of Sir Douglas Forsyth on his embassy to Kashgar in 1873–-4. Boulger uses the form ‘Buzurg’: he gives ĵair a father ‘Sarimsak’, a grandfather ‘Barhanuddin’, and three sons, two of whom are ‘Buzurg’ and ‘Wali Khan’, leader of an earlier expedition against Kashgar. It is much to be hoped that an expert historian will be able to disentangle these complexities. Boulger presents Buzurg as a classic example how an utterly profligate prince can be replaced by an energetic adviser—Ya‘ūb.)

⁸⁷ ĵair’s paternal uncle Samuq is given no descedants in the genealogy: was his name preserved in that of ĵair’s (maternal ?) nephew ?

⁸⁸ It was found necessary to refer to the Dungan Rising in part I of this study, 364 f.

⁸⁹ The ‘people’ were presumably ‘Nogay’, i.e. idealized Kirgiz.

⁹⁰ The question arises Whether Košoy was originally a Kazakh and not a Kirgiz hero.

⁹¹ See part I, p. 376 and n. 183.

⁹² In the long heroic song Joloi-kan (Radlov, V, II), ĵoloy is a ‘Nogay’ and in this case appropriately a favourite hero of the Kirgiz tribe of the Solto, among whom the song was collected.

⁹³ cf. the utterance of ĵoloy’s wife Saykal at 1802: (Manas) kÜrmō tonop kīptir, / topo tonop saliptir, topu indicates a Mongol cap in these heroic songs, despite the Persian origin of the worr (Radlov: ‘Mongolenkäpsel’).

⁹⁴ In this poem, Alman Bet, slaughtering his Oirot compatriots, piles up their topu and kÜrmō mountain–high (432 f.), see also previous note.

⁹⁵ Did the Kirgiz perceive a resemblance between him and some hearty Russian frontier types?

⁹⁶ Yudakhin, sub kir.

⁹⁷ Yudakhin, sub bÜrkÜt, The Kirgiz bÜrkÜt (Russian berkut) is famous in the annals of falconry.

⁹⁸ Yudakhin does not cite murun-compounds for tuygyn ‘white goshawk’ or tunĵur’ goshawk’.

⁹⁹ cf. Radlov ‘roth von Augen’ (152), ‘Schiefaug'ge’ (776; 1270). Having accepted the correct reading later, Radlov failed to collate.

¹⁰⁰ Slovaŕ: kōz kis- ‘ wink ’ sub kis-‘press’. Thus the impression intended in rather one of half-closed lids than a squint, or even slanting eyes.

¹⁰¹ bura-literally ‘screw’‘twist’ (Radlov: ‘herrscht in’).

¹⁰² See part I,356.

¹⁰³ See Er-T014Dsht00FCkle géant des steppes. Trad. du kirghiz par P. Boratav, introduction et notes de P. Boratav et L. Bazin, Paris, 1965.

¹⁰⁴ See my article ‘ The birth of Manas’, 226.

¹⁰⁵ For analogies of this traditional motif see ‘The birth of Manas’,, 226.

¹⁰⁶ cf.Muller, D. G. Maitland, A study and transslation of the first book of the first volume of the ‘ Compendium of histories’ by rašīd al-Dīn…, Ph.D. thesis (London, 1957), ch. vii, p. 27, ‘cuts ofr meat’.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ SeeJackson, K., The oldest Irist tradition: awindaw on the Iron Age, Cambridge, 1964, 21f., the curadmir or ‘Champion’s Portion’, carved by the champion for himself.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ The version of Sayakbay Karalaev ed. Zh.Tashtemirov, Frunze, 1956, 31 ff.; Boratav, op.cit.,49 ff.

¹⁰⁹ kenjäsi: Radlov again uses j (mondern y) inconsistently in Ŋehjäcī, cf. 1034 КehIIäcī, his normal practice.

¹¹⁰ koō;‘join’ ‘pair’ has the transferred meaning of composing (improvising) laments for the dead by women only. Yudakhin’s Slovaŕ notes: muzhchine ne polozheno.

¹¹¹ Sayakbay 243 ff.; Boratav ff.

¹¹² Boratav, op.cit., n. 375.

¹¹³ In another episode in several versions Toštuk or one of his women digs a hole in the groung under the cradle of Čoynkulak’s brat so that Tōtük can hide and prick him with an awl. But the hole is not an arik. Cf. Radlov’s Tōštuk, 149 ordu kasti Er Tōtük, from or kaz- ‘dig a hole’.

¹¹⁴ cf.Boratavs, op.cit.,122, ‘Qui-ne-laisse-échapper-le-Chamois’.

¹¹⁵ v, p. xvii f.

¹¹⁶ Sayakbay, 220 f. = Boratav, op. cit.,182 ff.

¹¹⁷ Schiefner, S., Heldensagen der minussinsschen Tataren, ST. Peterrsburg, 1859.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ In his Versuch eines Wōrterbuchs der Turk-Dialekte, Radlov cites no forms of feyren with -in: all have -an or -en. The presumption is that Radlov, and possibly his bard, took jerin in jerin sekirtpäs as jer-i-n(accus possessed of jer ‘ground’).

¹¹⁹ op., cit., 22 ff.

¹²⁰ BM, 946 ff.

¹²¹ Schiefner, op.cit., see index of tales: ‘Ai Mirgän und Aidôlei’ etc. etc.

¹²² A possible solution of this difficulty is to suppose that in Radlov’s manuscript ‘Gemsen-schütze,-jäger’ stood loosely in the marigin against jerin sekirtpäs understood as jeyren s. and that ‘Gänseschütze, -jänsesger’ (‘goose-hunter’) stood against Kazatar; and then that either Radlov or an amanuensis substituted the former German German word for the latter. But a further disturbing element is Radlovis rendering 945 ‘den guten Gemsenschützen’ suggesting Kirg. kas‘good’, cf.kas baatirlar ‘doughty warriors ’ (Yudakhin, Slovaŕ, sub kas).

¹²³ tōn, modern dōn.

¹²⁴ Radlov tügōtô, i.e. tōgōrōktō.

¹²⁵ Radlov renders bogonu as ‘Knopf’: it is surely from boogo ‘fetters’

¹²⁶ Radlov reverses the roles in the poison-squirting, making Kazatar the victim, despite the clear outcome that it is Joloy’s wife who is laid out with poison (950 f. and 958 ff.).

¹²⁷ Pükcler-Muskau,Briefe eines Verstorbenen, letter of 19 October 1826.

¹²⁸ Outstanding bards though they were, Sagymbay and Saykbay tended to lack restaint when ‘lengthening’ their performances for scholars, so that is is not improper to speak of technical ‘decadence’ in connexion with some their work.

¹²⁹ In BM, the herald’s name is jaima kōkü(284; 315. But in another poem of this school, v, I, (2), 1144 Jaima Kökül is one of Manas’s Forty, referred to by the indentical line: Jaima KōKül jaš ū. It looks as though in the heat of improvisation the bard of BM could recall only jaš ‘young’) in Yash-Aydar‘s name.

¹³⁰ 294, 15 refers to him as a slave, cf. 294,25.

¹³¹ 289, 14, varied presumably in a parallelistic quatrain.

¹³² 296, 26; 47.

¹³³ See part I, 375 ff.

¹³⁴ i.e.ādoro ‘member of a lord's comitatus’.

¹³⁵ Yash-Aydar perhaps has a presentiment of death at the hands of Manas, cf. Jaima Kökül's fate in BM at 315 ff.

¹³⁶ cf.p. 565, n. 130.

¹³⁷ Radlov─or an amanuensis─has obscured the if-clauses in his translation, since II. 1626–7 end in question marks, when commas would give the correct sense in German. 1625 should end in a period as in the original

¹³⁸ In European heroic narratives important swords can have a ‘nature’ which has to be ‘told’ to the hero by or from the smith─sometimes a secret or magical ‘nature’ as with Perceval/Parzival' sword, made by the smith Trebuchet.

¹³⁹ Radlov: ‘ist mein Blesebalg zerrissen’. Unsupported by Yudakhin: but it could be esoteric smiths’ language.

¹⁴⁰ One suspects a transferred meaning here

¹⁴¹ See p.568, n. 146.

¹⁴² kiliĉ śilte- ‘Brandish a sword’; karap implies directgion. Cf. Radlov: ‘Zwinkere nicht mit deinen Augen’.

¹⁴³ Radlov: ‘du gehst’,

¹⁴⁴ In both poems there is talk of heroes fighting in requital of lords’ mead.

¹⁴⁵ Radlov: sagišip.

¹⁴⁶ SeeBowra, C. M.Heroic poetry, second ed., London, 1952, 149f.;Google ScholarHatto, A. T., ‘Snake-swords and Boar-helms in Beowulf’, English Studies, XXXVIII, 1957, 145 ff. uu means not only ‘posion’ but also ‘reptile venom’, cf. Slovaŕ sub uu: ajddaardin uusuna altimiš kündōp ĉilagan (of a sword) ‘he steeped it for sixty days in dragon's venom’.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴⁷ darkan occurs only as a title in BM. When Tör is otherwise referred to it is always by means of usta (from the Persian) ‘artificer’ (e.g.1621; 1628; 1646; 1664 f.). At first sight, it might be taken for ‘sir’ a generalized and democratized descendant of tar×an, the high title known from the Turkic runic inscriptions. Radlov, however, translates as ‘Künstler’ and in his Versuch eines Worterbuches renders it as ‘Schmied’. In his Slovaŕ, Yudakhin gives the primary meaning as ‘smith’, and the secondary transferred meaning as ‘respected’, ‘famed’, ‘honourable’. Armourers were highly favoured and privileged in armies, hence, it is alleged, the transferred meaning. It seems perilous to take up a point of Kirgiz lexicography with its most distinguished master: but there is at least one link missing here. If we turn to Kazakh, we find darqan(I) ‘expert, master’; (2)‘honest; friendly, considerate man’ (B.Shnitnikov, Kazakh-English dictionary, The Hague, 1966). But sense (1) is confined to south-east Kazakhshstan, i.e. the part bordering on Kirgizia. Karakalp. darqan ‘free, untrammelled’ (N.A. Baskakov, Karakalpaksko-russkiy slovaŕ, oscow, 1958). Uzb. darkhon means ‘exempt (from obligations), Privileged’ (Akabirov, Magrufov, and Khodzhakhanov, Uzbeksko-russkiy slovaŕ, Moscow, 1959). Tatar tarkhan ‘free, subordinated to none’ is derived by the lexicographers from the historic ‘high rank known in the Tatar Khanates’ (Akademiya Nauk SSSR, Kazanskiy Institut Yazyka, Literatury i Istorii, Tatarsko-russkiy slovaŕ, Moscow, 1966). From this it appears that there has been a dr, smyov rbp;iyopm from tar×an, with its implication of high rank, in a generalized and even democratized sense parallel in some respects to that of Med. Latin senior and Middle High German hêrre ‘lord’. The meanings ‘free, privileged as a lord; rentlemanly; honourable sir’ emerge, Only the south-east Kzakh and Kirgiz meanings ‘expert, artificer, smith’ are discrepant. Rather than accept the semantic developemnt implied by Yudakhin it seems preferable to bring the Mongol darkhaninto the picture, as Sir Harold Bailey first suggested to me in correspondence. Dr.C.R.Bawden notes: ‘In modern Mongol, darkhan either has two meanings (I) “craftsman”; (2) “holy, inviolable’─or these are two words of indentical phonetic form’. There would seem to be, then, an overlay of Mongol darkhan ‘craftsman’ on the Turkic substratum tarßan ‘honoured’ etc., giving an honorific meaning of, say, ‘noblesmith, honourable Master’. What repercussions the accentuation of the first syllable in the Mongol form and of the second in the Turkic may have had, must be left to the philologists.

¹⁴⁸ BM, 1757 ff.; 2189 ff.

¹⁴⁹ dali jak-. The soothsayer interprets the fire-cracks, a very ancient type of divination in the Far East.

¹⁵⁰ Though it is not is the text, Radlov's muse inspired him to add, completing the verse-measure: ‘Du Hund’. I have to thank Sir Harold Bailey Dr.C.R. Bawden, Dr.V.L.Ménage, and Dr.T.O.Gandje for helpful suffestions while I was writing part II of this study. The use I have made of their help is entirely my own responsibility. My grateful thanks are due to the iate Sir Thomas Creed, K.B.E., and the Governors of Queen Mary College for the award of a year' study-leave (1967–8) to enable me to pursue the comparative study of herole eple poetry and in particular Kirgiz epic poetry.