^{page 42 note 1} Benveniste, E., Trans. Phil. Soc., 1945, 74.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 2} Bull. Soc. Ling., XXXVIII, 1937,Google Scholar 105 ff.

^{page 43 note 1} Scheftelowitz, I., IF, XLVI, 1928, 249.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 2} Chaumont, M.L., ‘Les titres de Kartīr’, Annuaire, École pratique des hautes études, 1956–1957, 82,Google Scholar has surveyed the title hērbad.

^{page 43 note 3} S. Wikander, Feuerpriester in Kleinasien und Iran, pp. 20 ff., discusses the proposals to see a word ‘fire’ in aēθra-.

^{page 43 note 4} Walde-Pokorny, Vergl. Wörterb. d. indogerm. Spr., I, 2, and J. Pokorny, IEW, 11.

^{page 44 note 1} I take this opportunity to refer to an old remark in my Zoroastrian problems on p. 83. This aβzōn is rightly to be associated with Old Persian but I had been misled by R. Gauthiot's explanation of Sogdian ’βz’w- ‘increase’ as containing zaw-: zu- ‘to pour’ instead of rightly (Gram, sogd., I, 47).

^{page 44 note 2} For fraša- there is an interim discussion in Trans. Phil. Soc., 1953, 21 ff., and 1956, 100 ff.

^{page 44 note 3} Trans. Phil. Soc., 1956, 97 ff.

^{page 44 note 4} For iš- we have Burrow, T., BSOAS, XVII, 2, 1955,Google Scholar 326 ff.

^{page 44 note 5} The last line of the Bēowulf stresses the hero's concentration upon lof: he was lof-geornost ‘most enthusiastic for fame’. See also Zoroastrian problems, 225, on frasasti-.

^{page 45 note 1} Walde-Pokorny, Vergl. Wörterbuch, I, 679. (Note that NPers. āgandan and āganiš there quoted have -g- from -k-, and hence are ā-kan-. ‘put in‘, not ā-gan-. Intervocalic -g- became -γ-; for example note NPers. afgan- ‘throw, put’, Old Pers. kan-, and NPers. afγān ‘cry’, Old Iran, gā- ‘sing, cry’.)

^{page 45 note 2} Fraenkel, E., KZ, LXXII, 3–4, 1955,Google Scholar 185 ff.

^{page 46 note 1} According to Renou, L., JA, 1939, 2, p. 392,Google Scholar ghaná ‘club’ with secondary adjective (which, however, would seem to assume that all Old Indian is recorded).

^{page 46 note 2} G. Morgenstierne, Etymological vocabulary of Pashto, 25.

^{page 46 note 3} The Indian interpretations which take the base to be ghan- ‘strike’ and thence reach the meaning of sek- are discussed in K. Geldner, ‘Yama und Yamī’, in the Festgabe Weber.

^{page 47 note 1} These were treated by Meillet, A., Rev. des Études Arméniennes, II, 1, 1922,Google Scholar 4, and explained as connected with words meaning ‘smell’. It would perhaps be better to see here not Indo- Iranian gan- ‘smell’ (in gandhi-), but ghan- ‘be exuberant’ in malam partem.

^{page 47 note 2} W. Geiger, Etymologie des Balüčī, p. 17, also connected this with Old Ind. gandhi-.

^{page 47 note 3} K. Rönnow, Trita Āptya, p. 20, treated the similar mūrdhány ághnyāyāḥ.

^{page 48 note 1} Renou, L., JA, 1953, 167–70.Google Scholar Sāyaṇa (RV 2.33.10) has ativistṛtam.

^{page 48 note 2} SPAW, 1918 = Kleine Schriften, 207.

^{page 48 note 3} Jamasp-Asana, Pahlavi texts, 145.13 ff.

^{page 49 note 1} According to Vendryès, J., Bull. Soc. Ling., LI, 1, 1955,Google Scholar 4 ff.

^{page 50 note 1} Studia Indologica: Festschrift für W. Kirfel, 180.

^{page 50 note 2} Other Persian words are cited by B. Laufer, Sino-Iranica, 353 ff. From Khotanese the word went into Kuci, Agni, and China, BSOS, VIII, 4, 1937, 913.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 3} Laufer, loc. eit., 354.

^{page 50 note 4} Mayrhofer, Sanskrit etymological dictionary, p. 11, derives the plant name from the south.

^{page 50 note 5} These and other forms are in H. Hübschmann, Armenische Grammatik, 393.

^{page 51 note 1} These occur in the Greater Bundahišn 116.13 and in Husrau ut Rētak 93.

^{page 51 note 2} Siddhasāra 12 r 2; gūräṇai mau in Khotanese texts, III, 41, 29.

^{page 51 note 3} G. Morgenstierne, Etym. voc. Pashto, 35.

^{page 51 note 4} Telegdi, S., JA, 1935, 1, p. 236.Google Scholar

^{page 51 note 5} Sogdian in P 19.7; Zor. Pahlavl in Yavišt ī Friyān 3.24; Frahang ī Pahlavīk, p. 86.

^{page 51 note 6} Siddhasāra 18 v 1; 124 v 1; 123 r 4 aṃbalavettä raysā haṃga ṡṭe; 130 v 3 haga.

^{page 52 note 1} V. Abaev kindly referred me to unpublished Yaγnābī materials whence he quoted mešin ‘paxtanie, curdling’ in Osetinskij jazyk i fol'klor, 58,377. It was cited in BSOAS, XVIII, 1, 1956,40.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 2} BSOAS, XII, 2, 1948, 331.Google Scholar

^{page 53 note 1} References for these words are P 2893.76, 113, 210, 259 ranūṡka-, 258 ranāña-. For the second word we have Suvarṇa-bhāsa-sūtra 72 v 2 hīsuṡkyi = Sansk. 3.88 cūrṇam ‘powder’ Siddhasāra 150 v 5; 152 v 4 = Sansk. rajas (both texts in Khotanese texts, I, 248, and 96, 98); hīsūṡka cadanīje ‘sandal powder’ in Khotanese Buddhist texts, p. 134, line 426.

^{page 53 note 2} Trans. Phil. Soc., 1955, 65, n. 2, corrected a note published in the Donum natalicium H. S. Nyberg oblatum in which a different connexion was sought for gousan-.

^{page 53 note 3} The same has happened in the loanword in Aramaic of the Talmud gwšpnq- ‘ring’, Arab. kuštbān from Iranian (Zor. Pahl. angustpān), see S. Telegdi, JA, 1935, 1, p. 238.

^{page 53 note 4} After the above was written I received the JRAS, 1957, Pts. 1–2, where M. Boyce has ‘The Parthian gōsān and Iranian minstrel tradition’. Here on p. 11 the Parthian gws'n ٭gōsān is published.

^{page 54 note 1} So rightly J. Wackernagel in Andreas, F.C. and Wackernagel, J., Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gōttingen, 1931, 328.Google Scholar Similarly Charpentier, J., WZKM, XXVIII, 235.Google Scholar Chr. Bartholomae, AIW, s.v., seeing no way to an interpretation suiting both traditions, was driven to deny a connexion. K. Geldner (on RV 8.1.13 in his translation) thought the similarity accidental. In DLZ 78.300 the Avestan word is changed.

^{page 54 note 2} In Trans. Phil. Soc., 1936, 95–7, an attempt was made to trace a word ٭durá- ‘fled’ from dvar- ‘to run’ (known in Avestan and, according to J. Wackernagel, SBAW, 1918, 406, also in Old Ind. a proper name rendered ‘running like a wolf’). The meaning was still difficult, the ٭durá- not attested, and the irregularity of the sandhi -au- (Avestan -ao-, Old Ind. -o-) was unsatisfactory. A recent translation ‘from whom death flees’ can be seen in R. C. Zaehner, The teaching of the Magi, p. 127.

^{page 55 note 1} R. Hauschild, 274, in the Festschrift Friedrich Wetter.

^{page 55 note 2} K. Geldner, Avesta, Prolegomena, p. 1.

^{page 55 note 3} The word prajahitni is explained in Sāyaṇa by prakṡīṇāni śākhādibhir viyuktāni ‘exhausted, deprived of branches, etc.’. Geldner's translation has ‘gemiedene Bäume’ without explanation.

^{page 55 note 4} The suffix -ōk, northern -ōx indicates persistent activity. Thus we have warōk ‘glutton’ and čarōx ‘vagabond’. The word dōr occurs in Dawes, Mayer, and Gilbertson.

^{page 56 note 1} B. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wōrterbuch, p. 97, has dùrti ‘pierce’ under dìrti ‘tear’, but the meanings are distinct.

^{page 56 note 2} This type can be seen in Iran. ٭kur- ‘neck’ (in Avestan kuiris ‘grīvpān’) and Old Ind. kora- ‘joint’ quoted in Donum natal. H. S. Nyberg oblatum, pp. 7 ff. Similar forms are found in Ossetic Digor sorun1 ‘drive, hunt’, Khotanese hasura- ‘quarry’, possibly as loanword Armenian sour ‘swift’, sourhandak ‘courier’ if named from swift movement. Similarly Pashai dōr ‘face’ beside Old India dhur, G. Morgenstierne, Pashai, III, 57. Add Ormuṛī kur- in kurγāṛ ‘throat’ in NTS, v, 20.

^{page 56 note 3} Agni's flames are sharpened: RV 6.3.5 śíśīta téjo (á)yaso ná dhrām.

^{page 56 note 4} J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Wörterbuch, p. 229.

^{page 56 note 5} Walde-Pokorny, Vergl. Wörterbuch, 463.

^{page 56 note 6} Persian durd has been grouped with a different set (Sogd. ‘dung’) by E. Benveniste, JA, 1951, 123 (see also JA, 1955, 323), but the meanings are distinct.

^{page 57 note 1} The Rigveda shows Indra's keen interest in soma. RV 10.119 contains a monologue, the Labasūkta, of one who has drunk soma.

^{page 57 note 2} This word may belong with oṡa- in óṡa-dhi- if that means ‘base of nourishment’, see Walde-Pokorny, Vergl. Wörterbuch, p. 19, 24, and Mayrhofer's Dictionary, 133. The word for ‘ear’ of corn in Iranian is Pašto Zor. Pahl. hwšk ٭hōšak, Balōčī hōšag, and -hōš in mazan-hōš, NPers. xōšah. This supposes an Old Iranian ٭au-ša-ka-.

^{page 57 note 3} JRAS, 1955, 23.

^{page 58 note 1} Khotanese texts, III, 84 if.

^{page 58 note 2} In a translation of Pushkin's ‘Tsar Saltan’ we have (A. S. Puškin, Uacmystä, p. 128) äxsäräg zārdžytä cäγdy / iŭyl je'xsärtä sätty for the Russian belka pesenki poet, i oreški use gryzet ‘the squirrel sings songs, and gnaws all the nuts’.

^{page 58 note 3} Khotanese texts, III, lines 124, 196, 251.

^{page 58 note 4} G. Morgenstierne, IIFL, II, 236.

^{page 58 note 5} Benveniste, E., Bull. Soc. Ling., XXXVIII, 1937, 144.Google Scholar

^{page 58 note 6} Henning, W.B., BSOAS, XII, 3–4, 1948,Google Scholar 606.

^{page 59 note 1} The word upariśyenam is quoted from the Jaiminīya brāhmaṇa by Wackernagel, J., BSOS, VIII, 2–3, 1936,Google Scholar 830.

^{page 59 note 2} Older -aγr- has passed to -aβr-, as for rōγn we have also rōβn. M. Mayrhofer has a Dravidian connexion in Archivum Linguisticum, II, 2, 1950,Google Scholar 132 if.

^{page 59 note 3} With uncertain z, see Henning, W.B., BSOAS, XI, 4, 1946, 719.Google Scholar The word syédu- was quoted in Indian Linguistics, XVI, 1956, 119.Google Scholar

^{page 59 note 4} W. B. Henning, JRAS, 1946, 13.

^{page 59 note 5} W. Wüst, Rēma 2.72.9 reasserts the etymology from may- ‘to make a noise’. It has been also claimed for Dravidian by Burrow, T., Trans. Phil. Soc., 1946, 19.Google Scholar

^{page 59 note 6} Trans. Phil. Soc., 1954, 143. In Khotanese texts, II, 9, 155, occurs śāvī mūra.