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Desirable commodities – unearthing and collecting Koryŏ celadon ceramics in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 October 2013

Charlotte Horlyck*
Affiliation:
SOAS, University of London

Abstract

In Korea green-glazed celadon ceramics were manufactured during the Koryŏ kingdom (ad 918–1392), but by the end of the fourteenth century their manufacture ceased and they virtually disappeared from view until the 1880s when they began to be unearthed from tombs and other sites. This led to increased interest in them from Koreans, and especially the Japanese, Americans and Europeans. Focusing on British collections, this article outlines the collecting practices of Korean celadon wares from the time of their discovery in the 1880s to the market boom of the 1910s, culminating in the decrease in their availability in the 1930s. It will be argued that the desire for celadon wares was socially conditioned and that celadon were collected for a range of different, though not unrelated reasons, ranging from collectors' pursuit of unique Korean artworks, to their want of genuine antiquities and aesthetic perfection.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 2013 

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References

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35 The bibliography in Rackham's volume on the Le Blond collection of Korean ceramics offers a good indication of published scholarship on Korean ceramic history in the late 1910s. Rackham, Catalogue of the Le Blond Collection, vii–viii.

36 John Platt noted that: “The Korean tomb finds are worthy of the most careful study, and can help a great deal in our understanding of the early Chinese ware”. John Platt, “Korean pottery”, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 36, no. 205 (April 1920), 203. See also John Platt, “Ancient Korean tomb wares”, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 22, no. 116 (November 1912), 230.

37 R. L. Hobson, “Sung and Yüan wares in a New York exhibition”, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 24, no. 132 (March 1914), 320–23.

38 Horlyck and Priewe, “Displaying Korean artefacts”.

39 Clifford, “On collecting art and culture”, 100.

40 This was noted by Walter Hough, who wrote that: “Great interest centers in Korea from the fact that we have there a human exemplification of the survival of the whole genera of industries and customs, while in surrounding regions these have been swept away or transformed.” Hough, The Bernadou, Allen and Jouy Corean Collections, 432.

41 Jouy, Collection of Korean Mortuary Pottery, 589. Jouy's views were later reiterated by Geare, Randolph I. in “The potter's art in Korea”, The Craftsman VII, no. 3 (December 1904), 294–8Google Scholar.

42 A case in point is Platt, “Ancient Korean tomb wares”.

43 In 1979, the South Korean government sent a large-scale exhibition entitled 5000 Years of Korean Art on a tour of the United States. The exhibition catalogue made no mention of celadon having been used as tomb goods, nor did it refer to how or when they became collectors' items. In contrast, the catalogue of an earlier travelling exhibition of Korean art, Masterpieces of Korean Art, also sponsored by South Korea, noted that “Koryŏ celadon was buried with its owners and recovered only in this century, mostly in a virtual hysteria of surreptitious digging in the ten thousand graves of the Kaesŏng area during the first decades of the 20th century”. National Gallery of Art, Washington, Masterpieces of Korean Art: An Exhibition under the Auspices of the Government of the Republic of Korea (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art [et al.], 1957), 19Google Scholar. For comparison see, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, 5,000 Years of Korean Art (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum, 1979)Google Scholar.

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57 This view reflected the trope of colonial writings about non-Western civilizations.

58 For example, in 1884 the Smithsonian attaché John Baptiste Bernadou wrote to Spencer F. Baird, Director of the National Museum, Washington D.C., that many paintings of the Chosŏn period were coarse and that “there are no living artists of note in Corea”. Houchins, Ethnography of the Hermit Kingdom, 144–5.

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69 The chamber contained twelve pieces of celadon, a gilt-bronze hairpin and three bronze coins, now housed in the National Museum of Korea. Chōsen Sōtokufu, Taishō 5-nendo koseki chōsa hōkoku (1916 Report on investigations of historic remains) (Keijō [Seoul]: Chōsen Sōtokufu 1916), 512–6. For a discussion of the tomb and its contents, see Horlyck, Charlotte, “Burial offerings to objets d'art: Celadon wares of the Koryŏ kingdom (ad 918–1392)”, Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 73, 2008–09, 84Google Scholar.

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76 Platt, “Ancient Korean tomb wares”, 229. In contrast to the royal family and high-ranking aristocrats, lesser-ranking members of Koryŏ society were interred in pit tombs that were marked with a small earthen mound. For a discussion of different methods of burial in Koryŏ, see Horlyck, Charlotte, “Ways of burial in Koryŏ times”, in Horlyck, Charlotte and Pettid, Michael (eds), Death, Mourning, and the Afterlife in Korea: Critical Aspects of Death from Ancient to Contemporary Times (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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88 Komiya included this anecdote in the introduction to the first illustrated catalogue of the Museum of the Yi Royal Family, published in 1912. Kungnip chung'ang pangmulgwan, Han'guk pangmulgwan kaegwan 100 chunyǒn kinyǒm t'ŭkpyǒlchǒn (Korean Museums' 100 year celebration) (Seoul: National Museum of Korea, 2009), 38Google Scholar.

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95 Itō and Nishimura, Kōryū-shō, 3–12.

96 Young-na, Kim, foreword to Hae-hoon, Park and Sung-wook, Jang (eds), Ch'ŏnha cheil pisaek ch'ŏngja (The best under heaven, the celadons of Korea) (Seoul: Kungnip chung'ang pangmulgwan, 2012), 4Google Scholar.