¹ See Twitchett, Denis, ‘The T'ang market system’, Asia Major, NS, xii, 2, 1966, 202–48Google Scholar; ‘Merchant, trade and government in late T'ang’, Asia Major, NS, xiv, 1, 1968, 63–9Google Scholar.

₂ Ts'ui; Jong's biographies are tobe found in CTS, 94, pp. 3b–6b; HTS, 114, p. la–b.

₃ The genealogioal tables of Chief Ministers in HTS list no less than three Ts'ui Jungs. The entry relevant to the present case is on HTS, 72C, p. 29b. Some details on the lineage and its relationships with other Ts'ui lineages can be found in HTS, 72C, p. 26a–b, and p. 29a. There tables give his style as Wen-ch'eng where his biography HTS, 114, p. la gives it as An-ch'eng .

⁴ CTS,94, p. 3b; HTS, 114, p. la.

⁵ On theCh'ung-wen kuan , see HTS, 49a, p. 8a; TLT, 26, pp. 22b–25a; THY, 64, pp. 1117–18; THY, 77, pp. 1402–3, Rotours, R. des, Traité des fonctionnaires et de I'armée, Leyde, 1947–1948, 584–5Google Scholar. Originally the Ch'ung-hsien kuan until 675, it taught a similar curriculum tothe offioial college Hung-wen kuan . On those eligible to study there, seeRotoure, B. des, Traité des examens, Paris, 1932, 135–6 and 229Google Scholar.

⁶ CTS, 94, p. 3b: HTS, 114, p. la. On the post of Shih-tu see IITS, 49a, p. 7a; des Rotours, Traite des fonctiomwires, 572. His duties were ‘to explain and expound canonical learning’ to the Heir Apparent. There was no regular establishment for such officials: the post was first established in the Heir Apparent's household by Kao-tsung (HTS, 49, loc. cit.).

⁷ CTS, 94, p. 3b: HTS, 114, p. la. A number of memorials written on behalf of the Crown Prince survive in CTW, 217, pp. 106–17a, andCTW, 218, pp. la–6a.

⁸ CTS, 94, p. 36. He was employed as Administrator of the Service of Merits (Ssu-hing ts'an-chün ) in Wei-chou . This post was in control of education, official merit assessments, preparing memorials to the throne, and all matters of ritual in the prefecture. A memorial written in this capacity survives in CTW, 218, pp. 15b–16b; WYYH, 565, pp. 7b–8a.

⁹ This decision was taken in the second month of 698. Chung-tsung was summoned to Loyang from exile in the third month, and formally appointed Heir Apparent in the ninth month. See TGTC, 206, pp. 6526–34.

¹⁰ The date is given as 698 in CTC, 94, p. 3b. But the date of the Empress's performance of the Feng and Shan sacrifices is given as 696 in TH Y, 7, p. 104, and the very end of 695 in CTS, 6, p. 5b, TCTC, 205, p. 6503.

¹¹ The text is preserved in CTW, 220, pp. 5a–10b; WYYH, 878, pp. la–6a; TWT, 52, pp. 885–9.

¹² This is the account given by CTS, 94. However, she must have seen his earlier memorials written on behalf of the Crown Prince, and very recently he had written one of the memorials presented by the prefectural delegates to court (Ch'ao-chi-shih ) urging her to perform the Feng and Shan sacrifices. This may, however, have been made in 691, i (see TCTC, 204, p. 6471). This text is preserved in CTW, 217 pp.7b–9b; WYYH, 600, pp. 6b–8b. Thememorial of congratulation following the sacrificesis in CTW, 217, pp. 96–106; WYYH, 556, p. 7a–b.

¹³ CT8, 94, p. 3b. This office carried the rank Lower 6A. The office formed a part of the Imperial Library (Pi-shu sheng ). See HT8, 47, p. 56;TLT, 10, pp. 19b–23a; des Rotours, , Trailé des fonctionnaires, pp. 207–8Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See TLT, 10, pp. 19b–21b; THY, 63, p. 1089.

¹⁵ See TLT, 10, p. 23a; HT8, 47, p. 5b. However, although the Chu-tso chü had lost responsibility for compiling the historical record, members of its staff and of the staff of the parent Imperial Library, frequently appear among the lists of editors and compilers of major literary projects.

¹⁶ GTS, 94, p. 4a. This office carried the rank Lower 5A. The edict appointing him, composed by Li Chiao is preserved in CTW, 242, pp. 10a–b; WYYH, 400, p. 7a.

¹⁷ CTS, 94, p. 4a. The Tso-shih was the ancient title for the post of Court Diarist (Gh'i-chü long ) which was used from 690 to 705. The post carried the rank Lower 6A. On its functions see des Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, 152–63. The Tso-shih wag under the Chancellery (Men-hsia sheng). An edict written by Li Chiao, later a close associate, in CTW, 242, pp. 4b–5a, WYYH, 383, pp. 7–8a, actually appoints him Yu-shih (i.e. Ch'i-chü she-jen) the parallel post attached to the Secretariat (Chung-shu sheng). HT8, 114, p. la, follows this.

¹⁸ Nei kung-feng . I follow the translation of this term given by des Rotours, Traite des fonctionnaires, 152, but it may here be used in a different sense than in the later memorial cited by des Rotours from THY, 54. There the Nei kung-feng were deputies for the ‘Omissioners’ (Pu-chueh ) and ‘Remembrancers’ (Shih-i ) who acted as some-thing like moral censors to the Emperor.

¹⁹ The Secretariat (Chung-shu-sheng) bore the name Feng-ko from 684 to 705. The Chief Secretaries held the rank of Upper 5A. They worked closely with the emperor, presenting memorials at court, taking part in the discussion of memorials and suggested policies, drawing up and presenting the drafts of edicts and imperial decrees, and were expected to work closely with the Chief Ministers in their deliberations on policy. See des Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, 180–7; TLT, 9, pp. 15a–16a.

²⁰ GTS, 94, p. 4a. This post was ranked Lower 5A. The Board of Rites was known as the Ch'un-kuan from 684 to 705.

²¹ GTS, 94, p. 4a. The edict appointing him is attributed to Empress Wu herself. It is in CTW, 96, p. 8a, THY, 63, p. 1094, and appoints Ts'ui Jung together with Li Chiao, Chu Ching-tse Hsü Yen-po , Wei Chih-ku , Ts'ui Jung's fellow Chief Secretary of the Secretariat, Hsü Chien , Liu Chih-chi , and Wu Ching to compile a ‘National history’ under Wu San-ssu . It was this ill-fated project which eventually provoked Liu Chih-chi's famous letter of resignation. SeeHung, William, ‘A T'ang historiographer's letter of resignation’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, xxix, 1969, 5–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²² GTS, 94, p. 6a. This was the office known normally as the T'ai-cheng ssu. The Vice-President held the rank 4A. See TLT, 14, p. 11b; des Rotours Traité des fonctionnaires, 315–18.

²³ See GTS, 94, p. 6a; HTS, 114, p. la–b. See also CTS, 189B, pp. 3b–4a; HTS, 199, p. 6a (biography of Wang Shao-tsung); CTS, 94, p. la–b; HTS, 114, p. 5a–b (biography of Su Weitao); and CTS, 94, pp. lb–3b; HTS, 123, pp. la–3a (biography of Li Chiao). See also the extremely flattering historian's comment on their lives in CTS, 94, p. 10b, probably the work of Wu Ching.

²⁴ See CTS, 94, p. 6a.

²⁵ See sources cited in n. 23, above.

²⁶ The Vice-Rectors who held the rank Lower 4B were in general charge not only of the Kuo-tzu hsüeh ‘School for the sons of the State’, but of all the schools forming the State University Kuo-tzu chien. On its organization see des Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, 442–58. See also TLT, 21, pp. 3b–17a. For a modern study, which leaves something to be desired see Taga Akigoro £ Tōdai kyōiku-shi no kenkyū , Tokyo, 1953.

²⁷ CTS, 94, p. 6b. See also the account of the work's presentation, THY, 63, p. 1094, giving the date 9.V.706. The compilers are listed as Wu San-ssu , Wei Yuan-chung President of the Secretariat, Chi Ch'in-ming , President of the Board of Rites, and the historian-officers Hsü Yen-po , Vice-President of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Liu Chung, Vice-President of the Imperial Library, Ts'ui Jung, Vice-Rector of the State University, Ts'en Hsi and Hsü Chien , Chief Secretaries of the Imperial Secretariat. Three of the five historians were appointed to the History Office together in 703 to work on the compilation of the T'ang history (). The Tse-t'ien shih-lu comprised 20 chapters.

²⁸ CTS, 94, p. 6b.

²⁹ CTS, 94, p. 6b; HT8, 114, p. lb. The text of the elegy survives in CTW, 220, pp. 15b–17b; WYYH, 837, pp. 3b–5b; TWT, 32, pp. 598–9.

₃₀ CTS, 94, p. 6b.

³¹ 1WYYH includes no less than 47 of his pieces.

³² Between 684 and 705 the Empress issued 16 major Acts of Grace, marking changes of reign title, besides a considerable number of lesser Acts of Grace on other occasions. Tax concessions were almost obligatory, at least in a major Act of Grace (Ta-slie ).

₃₃ See for example the entry in late 697 in TCTG, 206, p. 6525, which says that Li Chiao, when in charge of the examinations, set up for the first time several thousand offices additional to the establishment ().

³⁴ This problem deserves a careful study in itself. Much material is in Niida Noboru ‘Tōdai no hōshaku oyobi shokuhō-sei’ Tōhō Gakuhō (Tokyo), x, 1, 1939, 1–64Google Scholar.

³⁵ SeeCh'en Po-yü wen-chi, 8, pp. 8a–9a, memorial date d 685. See also memorial of 695 by Chiao, Li, THY, 85, p. 1561Google Scholar; TFYK, 486, pp. 12b–14a; see also TFYK, 70, p. lla, TTOLC, 111, p. 577, edict of 724 which attributes vagrancy to the aftermath of the Khitan invasions.

³⁶ There is some doubt about the state of the canals at this period. A memorial of 714, in CTS, 49, p. la, CTS, 100, p. 3a, THY, 87, p. 1596, TFYK, 497, p. 86, states that ‘for many years’ the haulovers where the canal joined the Huang-ho were impassable and transport had been unable to get through. However a memorial by Ch'en Tzu-ang (see Ch'en Po-yü wen-chi, 8, p. 13a), written about 695, shows the canal system working well with ‘thousands of tax boats arriving at Loyang’ not only from the Yangtze to Loyang, but also from the Huang-ho to the region of modern Peking. And in 701 a great new dock for tax boats was built in Loyang. See GTS, 49, p. la; THY, 87, p. 1596; TFYK, 497, p. 8a; T'ang liang-ching ch'eng-fang k'ao, 5, pp. 40b–41a.

³⁷ See T'ang Chang-ju ‘Kuan yü Wu Tse-t'ien t'ung-chih mo-nien ti fou-t'ao-hu’ Li-shih yen-chiu, 1961, 6, pp. 90–5Google Scholar; Hanabu, Nakagawa‘Tōdai ni okeru Kinden-hō soyō-chō-hō no hampulcu kōfu to halcho seisaku’Hitotes bashi Kenkyū, xc, 1962, 1–12Google Scholar. Some contemporary documents bearing on this policy survive.Wen-pi, HuangT'u-lu-fan k'ao-ku chi , Peking, 1954, pp. 43–4Google Scholar and plates 36–9, published a series of much-mutilated MS fragments from Turfan which are apparently lists of absconded families dating from the 690's. An even more important MS is Otani 2835, a complete dossier on the fugitive families from Tun-huang who had fled to live in various places in the Kansu corridor, who are to be traced and returned. This is dated 703. I hope to publish a study of this document in the near future. It has been published by Naitō Kenkichi in an article ‘Sai-iki hakken Tō-dai Kan-monjo no kenkyū’ first published in Saiiki Bunka Kenkyū, III, 1960, and reprinted in Naitō Kenkichi, Chūgoku hōseīshi Kōshō , Tokyo, 1963, 223–345.

³⁸ See Twitchett, , Financial administration under the T'ang dynasty, Cambridge, 1963, 32–3Google Scholar; Chü Ch'ing-yüan .T'ang-tai tsai-cheng shih, Changsha, 1940, 11–16Google Scholar.

³⁹ The term ti-shui for the land levy first appears in 705, see TTCLO, 2, p. 7. See on mis-appropriation of these funds under Empress Wu, and particularly during the following reigns OTS, 49, p. 7b.

⁴⁰ See Twitchett, , Financial administration, 31–2Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See TT, 6, p. 33b; Ch'ing-yüan, Chü, T'ang-tai tsai-cheng shih, 7Google Scholar.

⁴² This is clearly the case since in Hsiian-tsung's reign an edict had to be promulgated prohibiting merchants from consorting with officials hoping to have their household category reduced; THY, 85, p. 1557, TFYK, 486, p. 15a. See Chü Ch'ing-yüan, T'ang-tai tsai-cheng shih, 21–2. On theti-shui as applicable to merchants, see TLT, 3, p. 53b.

⁴³ See THY, 85, p. 1557; TFYK, 486, pp. 12b–14a.

⁴⁴ THY, 84, p. 1553; TFYK, 486, p. 33b; TCTC, 204, p. 6471. This was done in the seventh month of 691.

⁴⁵ TLT, 20, p. 11b.

⁴⁶ THY, 86, p. 1581; TFYK, 504, p. 17a.

⁴⁷ THY, 86, p. 1581; TFYK, 504, p. 17a.

⁴⁸ T'ang liang-ching ch'eng fang k'ao, 5, pp. 40b–41a; THY, 87, p. 1596; TFYK, 497, p. 8a;Twitchett, , ‘The T'ang market system’, p. 211, n. 40Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ See Twitchett, , Financial administration, 192Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ See edict of 691, THY, 86, p. 1578; TFYK, 504, p. 17a.

⁵¹ See Twitchett, , Financial administration, 75Google Scholar: GTS, 48, p. 7b.

⁵² CTS, 48, p. 7b; TT, 9, p. 52b–c.

₅₃ There is some confusion over the date of this measure and of Ts'ui Jung's memorial. The text is dated 703 (Ch'ang-an 3) in CTS, 94, pp. 4a–6b; second month of 702 (Ch'ang-an 2) in TFYK, 504, pp. 17a–21a; first month of 702 in THY, 86, pp. 1578–9 (this only gives a resume of the text): the text is given in full in OTW, 219, pp. 6a–10; TWT, 27, pp. 505–8: WYYB, 697, pp. 10b–14a, but is undated. I adopt the date in CTS, 94, as this seems to fit with the details of his biography, and since the material in THY and TFYK for this period was derived almost exclusively from the Kuo-shih of Liu Fang of which the chapter CTS, 94, was almost certainlya part. The numerals and are very frequently confused.

⁵⁴ The President of the Board of Finance until 702 was Wei Ch'ü-yüan (CTS, 92, pp. 12b–15b). But there is an interesting connexion here, in that Wei's second cousin, WeiAn-shih had hada violent clash with the favourite Chang Ch'ang-chih in 700, over Chang's giving invitations toa banquet and gambling party in the palace toa group of Szechuanese merohants (CTS, 92, p. 8a; TCTC, 207, p. 6553). Is it possible that the Weis were obliquely attacking the Chang brothers through this measure ? And was Ts'ui Jung— who was later closely associatedwith the Changs—coming to their defence ?

⁵⁵ See Biot, E., Le Tcheou-U ou rites des Tcheou, Paris, 1851, I, 29Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Li Chi, ‘Wang-chih’, 3, xi; Couvreur, S., Li Ki; ou, mémoires sur les biensdanees et les cérémonies, second ed., Fou, Ho Kien, 1913, I, I, 293Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Li Chi, loc. cit. Curiously Ts'ui omits the clause separating these two quotations ‘At the markets, shops paid a rent but paid no tax on their merchandise’, which is equally relevant to his argument. These two clauses are expanded in Meng-tzu, 2A, 5, ii— iii ( Legge, (ed. and tr.), Chinese classics, third ed., II, Hong Kong, 1960, 199–200)Google Scholar.

(ii)‘If in the market place of his capital he levy a ground rent on the shops but do not tax the goods, or enforoe the proper regulations without levying a ground rent, then all the traders of the empire will be pleased and wish to store their goods in his market place’.

(iii)‘If, at his frontier passes, there be an inspection of persons, but no taxes charged on goods or other articles, then all the travellers of the empire will be pleased and wish to make their tours on his roads’. A very closely parallel passage referring to Wen Wang's government of Ch'i, is in Meng-tzu, IB, 5, iv (Legge, 162).

⁵⁸ This does not agree with the canonical text s which Ts'ui Jun g has quoted, though it might be implied from the description of customs barriers in Chou-li, 14, ‘Ssu-kuan’;Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 330–3Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ 1-ching, Appendix 3 (HY Sinological Index Series, Suppt. 10, text, p. 45);Legge, , The Yi king (SBE, xvi), Oxford, 1882, 383Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Han-shu, 24A, p. 2a;Swann, N. L., Food and money in ancient China, Princeton, 1950, 113–14Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Han-shu, 24a, p. 2b; Swann, , Food and money, 115–16Google Scholar. These are two separate quotations.

⁶² Han-shu, 59, p. lla–b (Po-na ed.); cf. also Shih-chi, 54; Watson, B. (tr.), Records of the grand historian of China, New York, 1961, I, 422Google Scholar. There are two quotations here, separated by an account of how Hsiao Ho on his death-bed recommended Ts'ao Ts'an as his successor as Chancellor. Ts'ao Ts'an is specifically mentioned in his biographies in Han-shu and Shih-chi as having, when Chancellor of the fief of Ch'i, rejected the advice of all the local scholars and followed that of a local Taoist Master Kai, governing Ch'i according to Taoist principles. Hence there is a logical reason for the quotation from Tao-te ching below.

⁶³ Tao-te ching, 57 (Lau, D. C. (tr.), Lao Tzu: Too te ching (Penguin Classics, L 131), 1963, 118Google Scholar; Waley, , The Way and its power, London, 1934, 211)Google Scholar. Ts'ui Jung again takes up the practice of Taoist principles in government below, when he praises Empress Wu for having honoured the ‘principle of Great Simplicity (T'ai-pu the “great uncarved block”)’, which occurs a few words later than this quotation in Tao-te ching, 57.

⁶⁴ Meng-tzu, 7, 2, viii, 1–2 (Legge, (ed. and tr.), Chinese classics, third ed., II, 481)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ A quotation from Han-shu, 40, p. 5b (biography of Chang Liang), which also occurs in Shih-chi, 55. Watson, (tr.), Records, I, 141Google Scholar. There were two traditional explanations of this phrase. Chang Liang was advising the first Han emperor against accepting an idealist but impracticable Confucian plan to destroy the power of Ch'u—an historical parallel which would immediately come to mind. ‘Let me borrow these chopsticks so that I can count off the points of my argument to Your Majesty’ was the explanation of Chang Yen which was favoured by Yen Shih-ku, and probably accepted by Ts'ui Jung. The alternative reading rejected by Yen Shih-ku was, ‘let us cite the former affairs [of the Shang founding] so as to deliberate on those of the present’.

⁶⁶ Wen-tzu, a short Taoist work attributed to a contemporary of Confucius but now believed to be a forgery written in the third or fourth century A.D. which was much read in the eighth century. During the latter part of Hsüan-tsung's reign it was given the title T'ung-hsüan chen-ching, and a commentary was written on it in 10 chapters, T'ung-hsüan chen-ching chu , by Hsü Ling-fu .

⁶⁷ See p. 439, n. 62.

⁶⁸ CTS, 94, p. 6b.

⁶⁹ CTS, 48, p.2a; HT8, 51, p. 4b.

⁷⁰ CTS, 48, p.2a–b; GTS, 49, p.8a–b, p.lib. See also Twitchett, ‘Merchant, trade and government in late T'ang’, p. 78 and n. 69 for full references.

⁷¹ HTS, 214, p. 8a; TCTC, 248, p. 8805.

⁷² CTS, 19B, p. 8a; TCLT, 253, p. 8203.