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Auxiliary Verbs in Mongolian
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
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In the Mongolian language we often find two, three, or even four verbs in succession without a single conjunction between them. When analysing a continuous chain of verbs, it is best to consider two consecutive verbs at a time, for the circumstances in which such a combination is made can be brought under the following three headings:—
1. Sequential—two verbs denote actions in sequence, as, for example, nadur irejü ögüleṙün, He came to me and said …;
2. Adverbial—the first of the two verbs is merely adverbial, usually expressing the manner 1 in which the action denoted by the second verb is performed, as, for example, uyilan jor010D;cibai, They went away crying;
3. Auxiliary—the second of the two verbs is auxiliary to the principal verb, as, for example, bi čimayi alaqu bui, I shall (lit. am) kill thee.
Of these three cases the most interesting is undoubtedly the last, i.e. the auxiliary use of a limited number of verbs with certain welldefined meanings, an exact parallel being found in other Eastern languages.
- Type
- Papers Contributed
- Information
- Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 5 , Issue 3 , October 1929 , pp. 523 - 539
- Copyright
- Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1929
References
page 523 note 1 Sometimes also “ means, reason, etc.”
page 524 note 1 A. Bobrovnikov: 1849, §§ 263, 267.
page 524 note 2 Ditto, § 269.
page 524 note 3 Compare Japanese ari, to exist (Matsuoka, S.: Nihon Gengogaku, Tōkyō, 1928, pp. 140, 151–2Google Scholar), nari to be (ditto, pp. 141, 152–3); Korean id-ta, to exist (Grammaire Coréenne, Par les missionaires de Corée de la société des missions étrangères de Paris, Yokohama, 1881, p. 127Google Scholar; Underwood, H. G., An Introduction to the Korean Spoken Language, Yokohama, 1890, p. 167Google Scholar), il-ta, to be (Grammaire Coréenne, op. cit., pp. 127, 131Google Scholar; Underwood, , op. cit., p. 167Google Scholar); Yakut bār, existence (Böhtlingk, Otto v., Über die Sprache der Jakuten, St. Petersburg, 1851. Wōrterbuch, pp. 128–9Google Scholar),är-, to be (ditto, Wörterb., p. 16); Turki bar, existence (Raquette, G., Eastern Turki Grammar, Practical and Theoretical, with Vocabulary, part ii, Mitteilungen des Seminars für Oricntalische Sprachen, Jahrgang xvi, 2te, Abtl.,Berlin, 1913, pp. 119–22Google Scholar), er-, to be (ditto, p. 116 (1)). For the auxiliary use of these verbs I must refer to the respective grammars, as it does not come within the scope of the present paper. For a comparative study of the auxiliary verbs in Turkish dialects, see Bang, W., Studien zur vergleichenden Grammatik der Türksprachen, Sitzungsberichte der königlich preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 37, 1916.Google Scholar
page 525 note 1 The form -juqui (-jüküi, etc.), however, requires explanation. Both Schmidt (Grammatik, op. cit., § 101) and Kovalevski ( 1835, § 110) regard this form as “ 3rd sing, and pi. perfect,” whilst Ramstedt (Über die Konjugation des Khalkha-mongolischen, , Mémoires dela Soc. Finno-Ougrienne XIX. Helsingfors,1903, pp.81–3Google Scholar) and Poppe (Geserica. Untersuchung der sprachlichen Eigenthümlichkeiten der mongolischen Version des Fortsetzung, Gesserkhan, Asia Major, vol. 3, fasc. 2nd 04, 1926, p. 172, § 26Google Scholar) consider it to be the preterite imperfect. Rudnev (
1905, p. 43), on the other hand, following Bobrovnikov (
op. cit., § 242), treats it as a fortuitous form denoting an unexpected occurrence. This last explanation is not borne out by the examples which I have met; rather it often appears as a conclusive verb, following a conditional or a causalclause, and is frequently found in a context where the form -yu would be expected, if it were in the present tense. If -yu denotes an inference or a conclusion, as Rudnev maintains (
, op. cit., p. 43), the form -juqui must perforce be its counterpart in the past tense. To quote an example from the Altan Gerel contained in Schmidt's grammar (p. 155, H. 5–6):— Qoyar köbegün činu γasiγutu γal-a masida türtejü amui. Degedü köbegün činu Maha.a-satuva ügei buyu; mörjke busud-ta erüstejüküi. Thy two sons are being burnt in flames of sorrow. (From this we may infer that) thy noble son Mahâsattva is no longer (alive); he must have been taken away by the hands of Uncertainty. Such passages as this abound also in other literary works, which fact justifies us in regarding the form -Juqui as the past indefinite conclusive. Since we draw an inference usually with regard to the 3rd person, we may well understand why both Schmidt and Kovalevski classed this form as “ 3rd sing, and pl. perfect ”, parallel with the form -yu which they both call “ 3rd sing, and pl. future ”.
page 526 note 1 Ramstedt, , Konjugation, op. cit., pp. 89–91.Google Scholar
page 527 note 1 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 108–10.
page 527 note 2 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 106–7.
page 527 note 3 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 117–18.
page 527 note 4 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 91–3.
page 527 note 5 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 88–9.
page 528 note 1 Ramstedt, op. cit., pp. 103–4.
page 528 note 2 Bobrovnikov, op. cit., §§ 270, 281, 283, 524, 526; Poppe, op. cit., § 43. Neither in Japanese nor in Korean the word meaning “ to stand ” or “to remain ” is used as the auxiliary verb.
page 528 note 3 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wōrterb., p. 108.Google Scholar
page 528 note 4 Raquette, op. cit., pp. 115, 187 (3), 188.
page 529 note 1 Although Raquette gives no mention of this as the auxiliary verb, the use is quite clear from the combinations such as bilip qal-, to know, olturůp qal-, to remain sitting, sit, etc. Compare also Yakut xāi&-, to remain; see 3 below.
page 529 note 2 Bobrovnikov, op. cit., §§ 522, 523, 525.
page 529 note 3 Now chiefly used as the polite verbal suffix. Korean has no equivalent.
page 529 note 4 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., p. 25.Google Scholar Turki oltur-, to dwell, sit, does not seem to be used as the auxiliary verb.
page 529 note 5 Bobrovnikov, op. cit., § 523.
page 529 note 6 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., p. 162.Google Scholar
page 529 note 7 Raquette, op. cit., p. 187 (4).
page 529 note 8 Bobrovnikov (op. cit., §§ 272, 523) makes no distinction between yabuqu and bükü, bayiqu, etc.
page 529 note 9 As in kurashite yuku, to live on (kurasu, to live); sora ga shirande yuku, the sky grows brighter and brighter (shiramu, to become white, grow light).
page 529 note 10 Grammaire Coréenne, op. cit., p. 133 (3), Underwood, op. cit., § 212. As an example Gramm. Coréenne gives nīlk-o ka-ta vieillissant aller, vieillir, devenir vieux (from nїlk-ta, to be old), but “ to grow old ” is correctly nїlk-o tji-ta and not nїlk-o ka-ta, which last really means “ to grow older and older ”.
page 530 note 1 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., pp. 82–3.Google Scholar I have not found any word capable of expressing this particular idea in Turki.
page 530 note 2 Schmidt, , Grammatik, op. cit., § 171.Google Scholar
page 530 note 3 As in motte yuku, to take away; kaette yuku, to go home, etc.
page 530 note 4 Eckardt, P. A., Koreanische Konversations-Grammatik mit Leseslucken und Gesprächen, Heidelberg, 1923, p. 168 (4)Google Scholar; Gramm. Coréenne, op. cit., p. 133 (3)Google Scholar; Underwood, op. cit., § 212.
page 530 note 5 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., pp. 38–9.Google Scholar
page 530 note 6 Raquette, G., A Contribution to the existing knowledge of the Eastern-Turkestan Dialect as it is spoken and written at the present time in the districts of Yarkand and Kashgar, Helsingfors, Société Finno-Ougrienne, 1909, pp. 24–5.Google Scholar
page 531 note 1 Schmidt, op. cit., § 171.
page 531 note 2 Rose-Innes, A., “ Conversational Japanese for Beginners,” Part II, Elementary Grammar of the Japanese Spoken Language, Yokohama, 1919, § 103.Google Scholar
page 531 note 3 Eckardt, op. cit., p. 168 (4), Gramm. Coréenne, op. cit., p. 133 (2); Underwood, op. cit., p. 163.
page 531 note 4 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., p. 55.Google Scholar
page 531 note 5 Raquette, , Grammar, op. cit., p. 186 (1)Google Scholar; Contribution, op. cit., p. 40, 11. 7–8, p. 46, 1. 5, etc.
page 531 note 6 Bobrovnikov, op. cit., § 526; Poppe, op. cit., § 43.
page 531 note 7 Rose-Innes, op. cit., § 106. Luchuan has not developed anything corresponding to this auxiliary verb (Chamberlain, B. H., “ Essay in Aid of a grammar and dictionary of the Luchuan Language,” Supplement to the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 23, 1895, p. 107Google Scholar).
page 531 note 8 As in (n)i-tchyo pă-ryod-so, I have completely forgotten; poi-hyo pă-ryod-so, I have cut it off. Cf. also Eckardt, op. cit., p. 169 (7) and § 102.
page 531 note 9 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wōrterb., pp. 163–4.Google Scholar
page 531 note 10 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wōrteib., p. 53.Google Scholar
page 531 note 11 Although Raquette gives no mention of the auxiliary use of these two verbs, it is clear that they correspond exactly to odqu and orkiqu, as will be seen from the following passages taken from his paper (Contribution, op. cit.). Etizdä turup sesip ketti (p. 45, 11. 3–4) (lit. on-the-field standing rotting went), “ They remained on the ground and rotted ” (p. 12, bottom line). Män bu qoyumnin qurutini älip tögätälmäi tursam …( p. 40, 11. 28–9 ) (lit. I this my-sheep's vermin (ace.) taking being-unable-to-finish if-I-stand …), “When I am all the time at work and am not able to make an end of the vermin in this my sheep … ” (p. 9, bottom line-p. 10, 1. 1). In these examples sesip ketti means “ rotted in the end ” or “ completely rotted away ”, and qurutini älip tögätälmäi tursam “ when I am not able to get rid of the vermin ”.
page 532 note 1 All Mongolian grammars have ignored this particular use of talbiqu.
page 532 note 2 Rose-Innes, , op. cit., § 105. Luchuan has no equivalent (Chamberlain, op. cit., p. 107).Google Scholar
page 532 note 3 Eekardt places this verb under the same category as pă-ri-ta and nod-tha (Grammatik, op. cit., p. 169 (7)). But the following examples are sufficient to show that the verb tu-ta corresponds not to odqu or orkiqu but exactly to talbiqu.Pun-pu () -hăi tu-od-so, I have given the order (to do so). S(y)u-kon (
) -їl ko-ro tu-o-ra, Hang up the towel! Underwood (op. cit., p. 162) mentions this word as an auxiliary verb, but does not explain how it may be used.
page 532 note 4 Neither Yakut nor Turki seems to possess any word that is capable of expressing this particular shade of meaning.
page 532 note 5 In his notes (pp. 180–1) Popov remarks that talbi is here used to intensify the meaning of the verb toγalaqu. This is a completely wrong interpretation of this useful auxiliary verb.
page 533 note 1 Nothing is said of this auxiliary verb in the Mongolian grammars I have seen.
page 533 note 2 Rose-Innes, op. cit., § 104. In Luchuan nūng, to see, is used in exactly the same way (Chamberlain, op. cit., pp. 107‱8).
page 533 note 3 Eckhardt, op. cit., p. 168 (1); Grammaire Coréenne, op. eit., p. 133 (1); Underwood, op. cit., p. 163. The following examples may serve to illustrate the exact usage. Hăi pon-dsїk o-ryo-um-i op-so, When we try and do it, it is not difficult. Na-ka po-si-yo, Go out and see (who is there, etc.).
page 533 note 4 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wōrterb., p. 59.Google Scholar
page 533 note 5 Raquette says nothing of these verbs in his grammar. Below I shall quote passages from his paper (Contribution, op. cit.) to show that they correspond exactly to üjekü. Män bir ye(i)p baqai (p. 44, 11. 1–2), which is translated “ I will eat one and try ” (p. 11, 1. 23), really means “ I will have a taste myself ” or “ Let me have a taste (to see what it is like, or what effect it will have on me) ”. Bärip qaylāsä (p. 46, I. 15), translated “ when (the child in question) went … and looked about ” (p. 13, II. 18–19) is identical with Mongolian odču üjebesü (J. itte mireba) and means “ when he went … he found that … ”. Bärip kōrdi-ki (p. 46, 1. 19), translated “ (the child in question) went … and saw that …” (p. 13, 11. 24–5), has the same meaning as the foregoing, although the form kōrdi-ki finds no equivalent in Mongol.
page 533 note 6 Bobrovnikov, op. cit., § 525.
page 533 note 7 Rose-Innes, op. cit., § 109.
page 533 note 8 Eckardt, op. cit., p. 168 (2); Grammaire Coréenne, op. cit., p. 133 (4); Underwood, op. cit., pp. 165–6, 239, Sec. 9. The following examples may also serve to illustrate the usage:— Pir-nyo (pron. pirryo) tju-si-yo, Please lend me ! Khui-yo tju-od-so, I lent (it to him).
page 533 note 9 Böhtlingk, , op. eit., Wōrterb., p. 138.Google Scholar
page 533 note 10 Raquette gives no mention of the auxiliary use of this verb in his grammar. The following sentence quoted from his paper (Contribution, op. cit.) clearly shows the exact force of this verb. Mänä bazardin išek gušt älip kelip ber gin (p. 40, 11. 7–8), translated “ Fetch a quarter of meat from the bazaar and give me ! ” (p. 9, 11. 4–5), simply means “ Fetch a quarter of meat from the bazaar for me ”. For another example see Raquette's grammar, part ii (op. cit.), p. 117, 11. 24–5.
page 534 note 1 Castrén, M. A. Cf., Vzrsuch einer burjätischen Sprachlehre nebst kurzem Wōrterverzeichniss. Herausgegeben von Anton Schiefner, St. Petersburg, 1857, § 165.Google Scholar
page 534 note 2 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., p. 153.Google Scholar
page 534 note 3 Böhtl, , op. cit., Wörterb., p. 122Google Scholar. The idea “ cannot ” is not expressed by this word, but by the use of satān placed before the negative form of a. verb (Wōrterb., p. 153).
page 534 note 4 In Turki the idsa of capability is expressed by the potential form of the verb (Raquette, op. cit., p. 180), whilst in Korean it is indicated by -su id-ta, there is a possibility, can; and by -su op-ta, there is no possibility, cannot; both tucked on to the future participle (Eckardt, op. cit., §§ 43, 115, 135). In the present tense -su op-ta may be replaced by mod, cannot, placed before the verb (Eckardt, op. cit., § 135) or by mod hă-ta, cannot, used after the -tji form of the verb (Eckardt, §§ 26, 71). The Japanese express the same idea by using eru, u(-ru), to obtain, be able to (possibly of Altaic origin), or ata(f)u, to be able to, after the substantival form of a verb.
page 535 note 1 Bobrovnikov, op. eit., § 271, p. 156 (6), §§ 284–5.
page 535 note 2 Rose-Innes, op. cit., §§ 164, 165 (10).
page 535 note 3 Eckardt, op. cit., §§ 94 (5), 95 (5) (7); Grammaire Coréenne, op. cit., pp. 133–4; Underwood, op. cit., pp. 163, 166.
page 535 note 4 Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb., pp. 141–2.Google Scholar
page 535 note 5 Raquette, , Grammar, op. cit., p. 122.Google Scholar
page 536 note 1 This idea is expressed in Japanese by to shite, doing, or to natte, becoming.
page 536 note 2 For this the Japanese use koto ni naru, to be decided upon, or koto ni suru, to decide upon, each preceded by the attributive form of a verb. Yakut buot- when used with the nomen futuri denotes intention, e.g. Asїax (to open) buotbutum da (although), aspatїm (I did not open) I did not open it, though I intended to (Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wörterb, p. 141 (b), 11. 26–7Google Scholar). Similarly the verb gїn-, to do, is used in combination with a supine to express the meaning “ to intend, be on the point of” (Böhtlingk, op. cit., § 772; Wörterb., p. 63).
page 536 note 3 See the second example given under 1 (i) above. Cf. also my paper “ A Chapter from the Üliger-ün Dalai ”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. 5, Part 1, 1928, p. 84, I. 6; p. 85, I. 14.Google Scholar Japanese naru, to become, has the same force, e.g. Nihongo no benkyō wo hajimete kara ninen ni naru, It is now two years since I began the study of Japanese. To indicate the future the verb suru, to do, is used in the Conditional Mood, e.g. mō mikka sureba, in three days' time. In Korean toi-ta, to become, is used to express the same idea, e.g. Si-pang (, now) myod-tyom (
) -ip-nid-ka (pron. -imnikka), What's the time ?, Si-pang myod-tyom i-na (about) toi-yod-sїp-nid-ka (pron. töyossїmnikka, has it become ?), What's the time now ? This latter corresponds to Japanese Mō (“ already ”) nanji desu (or ni narimasu). Similar use is also found in Yakut. For example, Min guorakka otoromm biäs sїt buotta (lit. I in-the-town my-dwelling five years has-become), I have now lived five years in the town (Böhtl., op. cit., Wörterb., p. 141 (a), 11. 21–4); sättä їi buotan baran (lit. seven months becoming going), After the lapse of seven months (Böhtl., op. cit., Wörterb., p. 141 (a), 11. 35–6). For Turki, see Raquette, op. cit., p. 166, ex. 2.
page 537 note 1 In Japanese such idea is usually expressed by yoi, is good, and in Korean by tjyod-tha, is good, both corresponding to Mongolian jokiqu to suit, jokistu suitable, (see the third example given under 2 above). For Turki usage, see Raquette, op. cit., p. 122 (3). Examples may also be found in his paper (Contribution, op. cit.): p. 6, 1. 28; p. 12, 1. 34; p. 45, 11. 1–2.
page 537 note 2 Castrén, Cf., op. cit., § 166.Google Scholar In Japanese the same idea is conveyed by naran(u) (become not) preceded by a gerund with wa (Rose-Innes, op. cit., § 58 (14)), and in Korean by a-ni toi-ta (not become), it does not do, mod toi-ta (cannot become), must not, cannot (Eckardt, op. cit., p. 246, Anm.). In Turki bolma- (where -ma- is a negative infix) is used after the gerundial infinitive with the meaning “ must not, cannot” (see Raquette, , Grammar, op. cit., p. 166, ex. 3Google Scholar). Note also that in Taranchi dialect bol- is used with the future participle (-durγan) to show the meaning “can” and bolma- with the gerundial infinitive (-yaly) for “cannot” (Bang, W. und Marquart, J.: “ Osttürkische Dialektstudien, Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen,” Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Neue Folge, Bd. 13, Berlin, 1914, p. 7, footnoteGoogle Scholar).
page 538 note 1 For Japanese idiom see Rose-Innes, op, cit., § 72. In Korean the same idea is expressed by a-ni (not) hă-myon (if do) an-doin-da (does not become). The last word may be replaced by an-doi-ked-ta (will not become) or mod-toi-ta (cannot become) (Eckardt, op. cit., p. 121, c, d; p. 246, Anm.). For example: Kї-rod-khoi (so) a-ni hă-myon mod-toi-goid-so (Underwood, op. cit., p. 210), I must do that; Kod-tchi-tji a-ni hă-myon an-doi-o, We must put it right.
page 538 note 2 In Yakut buotārai, the probable form of buot-, with the future (= nomen futuri + possessive suffix) replaces the simple probable form of the verb (Böhtlingk, , op. cit., Wōrterb., p. 142Google Scholar). The same phenomenon is also found in Japanese, as, for example, yuku naramu is equivalent to yukamu, will probably go. Here naramu is regarded as the probable form of nari, to be, which is considered to be a contraction of ni(or no) ari, having no connection with naru, to become.
page 538 note 3 Kovalevski's dictionary (vol. i, p. 558) gives: “ se lever; aller au devant, s’avancer, marcher avec dignité, venir, apparaître (les divinités, les personnes considérables).
page 538 note 4 This is of Turkish origin. Examples may be quoted from W. Radloff's Uiqurische Sprachdenkmäler (Materialen nach dem Tode des Verfassers mit Ergänzungen von herausgegeben, S. Malov, Akademie der Wissenschaften der Union der sozialistischen Soviet Republiken, Leningrad, 1928Google Scholar): yarlїq bolsun (p. 29, text 22, 1. 59) may the order be given that …”; yarlїq bolu ärmiš (p. 121, text 69, 1. 4), the order has been given. These suffice to show that the phrase jarliy bolqu was originally an honorific expression, though it is true that even in the early Buddhist texts it is often used interchangeably with (üge) ögülekü, and others, with the meaning “ to say, speak ”. Compare yrlїqa-, “ geruhen etwas zu tun, von Höherstehenden usw. gebraueht (Müller, F. W. K., Uigurica, Berlin, 1908, p. 59Google Scholar). Japanese O(h)ose ni naru corresponds to jarliy bolqu almost word for word, with the same meaning.