^{page 213 note 1} Mekka in the latter part of the Nineteenth Century. Translated into English by Monahan, J. H. (1931 edition), pp. 215–16Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 2} Rochlin, S. A., ”The First Mosque at the Cape,“ S.A. Journal of Science (Johannesburg, March, 1937)Google Scholar.

^{page 214 note 1} For instance, in 1773, Normare, a rebellious priest, was sent as a convict to the Cape. Vide Cape Archives, Leibbrandt's MS.: Index to Annexures to Minutes of Council of Policy.

^{page 214 note 2} References to him are to be found in François Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost- Indiën (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724–6), vol. 3, pp. 208–9; vol. 4, pp. 109, 123; vol. 5, p. 47.Google ScholarThe first lengthy description of his tomb was given by Dr. Scherzer, Karl, Narrative of the Circumnavigation of the Globe by the Austrian frigate Novara in the Years 1857, 1858 and 1859 (London, 1861), vol. 1, pp. 245–8Google Scholar.

^{page 214 note 3} Foster, George, A Voyage Round the World (London, 1777), pp. 60–1Google Scholar.

^{page 214 note 4} Thunberg, Charles, Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia (London, 1795), vol. 1, pp. 132–4Google Scholar.

^{page 215 note 1} Vide the English edition of his Travels, translated by Stewart, Charles (London, 1814), vol. 1, pp. 87–8Google Scholar. Consult also the undated memorial of Prince Radien, who asked the authorities to allow him to proceed to Mecca from Capetown—Cape Archives, B.O. (1795–1803), No. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 215 note 2} See Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol. 8, South Africa; chaps, x-xiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 215 note 3} Rochlin, S. A., ”Early Arabic Printing at the Cape of Good Hope,“ BSOS., Vol. VII, p. 53Google Scholar. South Afrkan Commercial Advertiser (Capetown), 10th December, 1834, contains a report of an address presented by Cape Malay divines to Governor Sir Benjamin D'Urban respecting ”the total abolition of Slavery at the expence of the Noble Britons—a deed of Mercy which has put an end for ever to Oppression, and removed every mark of subjection from our Race. We know not how to convey to your Excellency the sentiments which melt our hearts!“

^{page 216 note 1} Rochlin, S. A., S.A. Journal of Science (March, 1937), p. 1102; Gleanings in Africa (London, 1806), p. 246Google Scholar.

^{page 216 note 2} Rev. Wright, William, Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1831), pp. 4–5Google Scholar; Backhouse, James, Narrative of a Visit to Mauritius and South Africa (London, 1844), p. 82Google Scholar.

^{page 216 note 3} For instance, ”A Cape Colonist“ in his The Cape Malays (Capetown, 1883), pp. 16–17Google Scholar, praises the efficiency of a Malay Artillery Corps during—and after—the Second British Occupation of the Cape; Borcherds, P. B., An Auto-Biographical Memoir (Capetown 1861), pp. 255–6Google Scholar. Moreover, they, too, participated in the various Kafir Wars, especially the important one of 1846, when General Cloete, in dismissing them from active service, wrote thus: ”His Excellency desires them to accept his thanks for the services which they have rendered, in arms, for the protection of thecountry, and the subjugation of our Kafir enemies. Many of them, besides encountering the peril of war, have been exposed to great fatigue and privations innumberable, under the peculiar features of the war in which they have been engaged.“—”A Cape Colonist,“ op. cit., p. 12. They also stood by the Government of the day in regard to the Indian Mutiny, holding collections for the sufferers concerned. S.A. Commercial Advertiser, 8th September, 1858Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note 1} The African Almanac for 1802; The African Court Calendar for 1807 seqq.; The South African Almanac and Directory for 1830 seqq.; Kaapsche Almanak en Naamboek voor het Jaar 1833 seqq.; and The Cape of Good Hope Annval Register, Directory, and Almanac for 1837. There are also to be found in the above volumes the names of people who were known as ”Malay schoolmasters“. Did they act as divines as well? While an Abdol Kamie designated himself as ”Malay priest to the Supreme Court“.

^{page 217 note 2} The anonymous author of Sketches of Some of the Various Classes and Tribes inhabiting the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1851), chap.: ”Malays.“Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 3} S.A. Commercial Advertiser, 22nd January, 1841; Sam Sly's African Journal (Capetown), 17th October, 1844Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note 4} Mayson, J. S., The Malays of Capetown (Manchester, 1861), p. 33Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note 5} Although its author is believed to be Bird, W. W., it was edited by the famous Sanskritist, Colebrooke, H. T.—The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, by his son, Sir Colebrooke, T. E.. (London, 1873), pp. 335–7Google Scholar.

^{page 218 note 1} The anonymous pamphleteer, Abdullah ben Tusuf; or the. Story of a Malay, told by Himself (translated from the Dutch; second edition, Capetown, A.H. 1295). The present writer regards him as the first of Cape Malay authors who endeavoured to criticize justly or otherwise the local status of IslamGoogle Scholar.

^{page 218 note 2} King William's Town Gazette, 1st February, 1862.

^{page 218 note 3} See also the protest made by them to the Government in respect of one of their number charged with practising sorcery.—Cape Archives, CO. Memorials (1853), No. 119.

^{page 218 note 4} Case of Carel Pilgrim and others, De Verzamelaar (Capetown), 21st June, 1842 22nd July, 1845; Mahmat vs. Dame, The Cape Chronicle, 6th June, 1861.

^{page 219 note 1} The Cape Argus (Capetown), 10–14th June, 1879.

^{page 219 note 2} Ar.islam at the Cape,Cape Monthly Magazine, 1861, pp. 353 seqq. Regarding them, too, the Colonial Secretary of the day deemed it worth while to communicate the following despatch to the Cape authorities which he had originally received from the British Consul-General at Zanzibar: ”Advantage is now being taken by the Malay Mahommedans of the Cape of the continuous steam communication established between the Colony and Aden to perform the Pilgrimage to Mecca—a thing before out of their power unless at a sacrifice of time and money that few could afford. This year (1877) 70 Malay Pilgrims have returned by Mail Steamer and each successive season will no doubt bring numbers through Zanzibar. … These people are a quiet and industrious race, contrasting most favourably with every other class of pilgrims. In conversation they told me the trip would on an average cost each of them £100, but this sum no doubt includes the price of the presents they take back with them to their friends. The principal effect on them of their journey appears to have been to increase their attachment to the British Government and to contrast the liberty and justice they enjoy under British rule with the treatment they everywhere else received.“—Cape Archives, G.H., 1/25 (1877), No. 48. Cf. J. S. Mayson, op. cit., pp. 16–18.

^{page 219 note 3} Op. cit., p. 216.

^{page 219 note 4} Rochlin, S. A., BSOS., vol. VII, p. 53, It was published in 1877Google Scholar.

^{page 220 note 1} Cape Archives, O.H., 1/9 (1862), No. 119.

^{page 220 note 2} In all probability this refers to the ”Califa“ ceremony, which was at one time annually performed by Cape Malays on the 11th of Rabil Achier. In 1856 the Government prohibited it altogether on the ground that it was proving dangerous to the law and peace of the community. It was looked upon as an unwanted nocturnal nuisance. Consult The Califa Question, by Lima, J. S. de (Capetown, 1857)Google Scholar. One of those who particularly helped the Government in the matter concerned was the Hon. P. E. de Roubaix, who was shortly afterwards made Consul for Turkey at Capetown.—The Mussulman Population at the Cape of Good Hope, by Kolliseh, M. (Constantinople, 1867)Google Scholar; and Illustrated News of the World (London), 22nd August, 1863Google Scholar. The ”Califa“ was also specially performed before Prince Alfred (later the Duke of Edinburgh) in connection with his visit to the Cape in August, 1860. [Apparently this ceremony was one peculiar to the dervish orders.]

^{page 220 note 3} Cape Archives, G.H., 31/9 (1862–4), pp. 240–1; G.H., 31/10 (1865–7), pp. 210–11. A relative of his was Aḥmad Effendi, who was a prominent figure in the Cape communal life of his day. In September, 1898, he left South Africa for Khartoum as special correspondent for the Arabic journal Oukab. He claimed to be the first Muslim war correspondent ever to have left the Cape.—The Standard and Diggers' News (Johannesburg), 17th October, 1898Google Scholar.

^{page 221 note 1} S.A. Commercial Advertiser, 13th February, 1867Google Scholar; The Cape Malays (Capetown, 1883), pp. 14–15Google Scholar. One of the immediate results of the Turkish influence on them was that they began to wear the fez-a headgear unknown to them previously, vide Broome, H. A., A Ramble in the Cape Peninsula (Capetown, 1884), p. 14Google Scholar.

^{page 221 note 2} Cape Times (Capetown), 18th July, 1877. As late as 1897, the Muslims of Durban sent an address to the Sultan of Turkey, congratulating him on his victory over the Greeks.—The Standard and Diggers' News, 9th August, 1897