Skip to main content Accessibility help
Hostname: page-component-78dcdb465f-vddjc Total loading time: 2.44 Render date: 2021-04-15T03:21:25.120Z Has data issue: true Feature Flags: { "shouldUseShareProductTool": true, "shouldUseHypothesis": true, "isUnsiloEnabled": true, "metricsAbstractViews": false, "figures": false, "newCiteModal": false, "newCitedByModal": true }

‘Nature’ in the laboratory: domestication and discipline with the microscope in Victorian life science

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Graeme Gooday
Unit for History of Science, Physics Laboratory, University of Kent, Canterbury CT2 7NR, England.


What sort of activities took place in the academic laboratories developed for teaching the natural sciences in Britain between the 1860s and 1880s? What kind of social and instrumental regimes were implemented to make them meaningful and efficient venues of experimental instruction? As humanly constructed sites of experiment how were the metropolitan institutional contexts of these laboratories engineered to make them legitimate places to study ‘Nature’? Previous studies have documented chemists' effective use of regimented quantitative analysis in their laboratory teaching from the 1820s, but less is known about how Victorian academics made other sorts of laboratories unproblematic pedagogical spaces. This paper will examine the literary, disciplinary and instrumental technologies of microscopy deployed by T. H. Huxley at his South Kensington laboratory during the early 1870s to render his biology teaching legitimate, meaningful and efficient. As such it is a response to Pickstone's recent call for a broader account of microscopy teaching in late nineteenth-century academic life science, and one localized answer to Bennett's enquiries as to what the appearance of a microscope in laboratories and other domestic settings betokened to historical actors, and how such tokens changed over time.

Research Article
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below.


1 Rev. Wood, J. G., Common Objects of the Microscope, London, 1861, pp. 3, 7.Google Scholar

2 BAAS Report, (1866), pt 2, pp. 82–3.Google Scholar

3 Cited in ‘Distribution of Awards, Normal School of Science and Royal School of Mines’, Nature, (1882), 26, p. 234.Google Scholar

4 Morrell, J. B., ‘The chemist breeders: the research schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson’, Ambix, (1972), 19, pp. 146CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Brock, W. H. (ed.), H. E. Armstrong and the Teaching of Science, Cambridge, 1973.Google Scholar

5 My chief source on the de-problematization of laboratories as socially-bounded cognitive sites is Shapin, S., ‘The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England’, Isis, (1988), 79, pp. 373404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a discussion of physics pedagogy see Gooday, G., ‘Precision measurement and the genesis of physics teaching laboratories in Victorian Britain’, BJHS, (1990), 23, pp. 2551CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for laboratory electrical engineering training see Gooday, , ‘Teaching telegraphy and electrotechnics in the physics laboratory’, History of Technology, (1991) (forthcoming).Google Scholar

6 Pickstone, J. V., ‘A profession of discovery: physiology in nineteenth-century history’, BJHS, (1990), 23, p. 215CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bennett, J. A., ‘The social history of the microscope’, Journal of Microscopy, (1989), 155, p. 267.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 See, for example, Collins, H., Changing Order: Replication and induction in Scientific Practice, London, 1985Google Scholar; Knorr-Cetina, K., The Manufacture of Knowledge: An Essay on the Constructivist and Contextual Nature of Science, Oxford, 1981Google Scholar; Latour, B., Science in Action: How to follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society, Milton Keynes, 1987Google Scholar; Latour, B. and Woolgar, S., Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Pacts, Princeton, 1986.Google Scholar

8 Latour, , op. cit. (7), pp. 96100.Google Scholar

9 Atkinson, P. and Delamont, S., ‘“Mock-ups and cock-ups”: the stage-management of guided discovery instruction’ in Woods, P. and Hammersley, M. (eds.) School Experience: Explorations in the Sociology of Education, London, 1977Google Scholar; see Collins, , op. cit. (7), pp. 160–1Google Scholar for further discussion.

10 This term I have drawn from Ellen Frank's analysis of the construction of ‘natural’ household environments by Victorian architects and artists, Frank, E., ‘The domestication of nature: five houses in the Lake District’, in Knoepflmacher, U. C. and Tennyson, G. B. (eds.), Nature and the Victorian Imagination, Berkeley, London and Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 6892.Google Scholar

11 My reading of Foucault on the production, distribution and regulation of discourse, and the social powers wielded by its users, follows that of Crowley, T. in The Politics of Discourse, Basingstoke and London, 1989, pp. 14.Google Scholar

12 Examples include Bradbury, S., The Evolution of the Microscope, Oxford, 1967Google Scholar; Turner, G. L'E., Essays on the History of the Microscope, Oxford, 1980Google Scholar; Turner, G. L'E., The Great Age of the Microscope, Bristol, 1989Google Scholar; Turner, G. L'E., God Bless the Microscope!, Oxford, 1989.Google Scholar

13 My analysis deploys selected elements of Michel Foucault's analysis of institutionalized methods of disciplinary order within a framework of social interest theory; see Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, London, 1977, pp. 170–94.Google Scholar In this case-study in empirical social history it is not appropriate, however, to utilize a ‘Foucauldian’ structuralist theory of the synchronie diffusion of power amongst unidentified ‘docile bodies’, ibid., pp. 135–09.

14 For a fictionalized rendition of a Huxleyean regime of microscopy in the mid 1880s, see H. G. Wells' pseudo-autobiographical story ‘A slip under the microscope’, in Wells, H. G., Complete Short Stories, London, 1927, pp. 529–48.Google Scholar

15 ‘The word “Nature”’, in The Collected Works of J. S. Mill, XXII, Toronto, 1986, p. 9.Google Scholar

16 Jordanova, L. (ed.), Languages of Nature: Critical Essays on Science and Literature, London, 1986, p. 21.Google Scholar

17 Merchant, C.. The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution, London, 1980, esp. pp. xvxx.Google Scholar

18 For a discussion of ‘Nature’ as a problematic legitimating device for Charles Darwin see Beer, G., ‘The face of nature: anthropomorphic elements in the language of the origin of species’, in L. Jordanova (ed.) op. cit. (16), pp. 224, 230–8.Google Scholar

19 Tennyson, G. B., ‘The sacramental imagination’Google Scholar, in Knoepflmacher, and Tennyson, , op. cit. (10), p. 371.Google Scholar

20 Jordanova, , op. cit. (16)Google Scholar; see Johnson, B., ‘“The Perfection of Species” and Hardy's Tess’Google Scholar, and Knoepflmacher, U. C., ‘Mutations of the Wordsworthian child of Nature’, in Knoepflmacher and Tennyson (eds.), op. cit. (10), pp. 259–77, 391425.Google Scholar

21 Morrell, J. and Thackray, A., Gentlemen of Science: Early Years of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Oxford, 1981Google Scholar; BAAS Report (1831), p. 43.Google Scholar

22 Morrell and Thackray, ibid., pp. 29–34: ‘The appeal to Nature’.

23 Allen, D. E., The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History, Harmondsworth, 1976, pp. 158–90.Google Scholar

24 Smiles, S., Life of a Scottish Naturalist, London, 1877Google Scholar; Robert Dick, Geologist and Botanist, London, 1877.Google Scholar See Barber, L., The Heyday of Natural History 1820–1870, London, 1980, p. 41Google Scholar, for a discussion of Grant's enlistment by contemporaries as a paragon of virtuous natural history.

25 BAAS Report, (1863), pt 2, p. 92.Google Scholar

26 Ibid., p. 93.

27 Gosse, P. H., A Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica, London, 1851, p. vGoogle Scholar, cited in Barber, , op. cit. (24), p. 41.Google Scholar

28 Kingsley, C., Glaucus, or, the Wonders of the Shore, Cambridge, 1855, pp. 67–8.Google Scholar

29 Ibid., p. 145.

30 Kingsley, C., ‘The study of natural history’, in Scientific Lectures and Essays, London, 1885, pp. 187–8.Google Scholar

31 The common literary context of Huxley and Roscoe in the 1870s was the Macmillan series of Science Primers which each was writing in his own specialism; see Huxley–Roscoe correspondence in the Huxley Collection, Dawson catalogue, Imperial College Archives.

32 Roscoe, H. E., ‘Original research as a means of education’, Nature, (1873), 8, p. 539.Google Scholar

33 See Thompson, J., The Owens College: Its Foundation and Growth, Manchester, 1886.Google Scholar

34 Huxley, wrote: ‘it seemed to me that no more fitting preface could be put before a Journal, which aims to mirror the progress of that fashioning by Nature of a picture of herself, in the mind of man, which we call the progress of science’Google Scholar, Huxley, T. H., ‘Nature’, Nature, (1869), 1, pp. 911CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for further discussion see Beer, G., ‘Translation or transformation? The relations of literature and science’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society, (1990), 44, p. 82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 ‘XXXIV’, Selincourt, (ed.), Wordsworth's Poetical Works, vol. 3, Oxford, 1946, p. 19.Google Scholar

36 ‘II: The Tables Turned…’, Selincourt, , (ed.), Wordsworth's Poetical Works, vol. 4, Oxford, 1947, p. 57.Google Scholar

37 Grove, W. B., ‘The happy fungus-hunter’, Midland Naturalist, (1892), 15, p. 161Google Scholar; cited without documentation in Allen, , op. cit. (23), pp. 193–4.Google Scholar

38 Thomson, W., ‘Scientific laboratories’, Nature, (1885), 31, p. 409.Google Scholar

39 The importance of establishing that an instrument is a transparent mediator of ‘Nature’ when negotiating an interpretative consensus of its behaviour amongst diverse audiences is discussed in Schaffer, S., ‘Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment’, in Gooding, D., Pinch, T. and Schaffer, S. (eds.), The Uses of Experiment, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 67104.Google Scholar

40 Gooding, D., ‘In “Nature's School”: Faraday as an experimentalist’, in Gooding, D. and James, F. (eds.), Faraday Rediscovered: Essays on the Life and Work of Michael Faraday, 1791–1867, Basingstoke, 1985, pp. 105–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41 Bowerbank, J. S., ‘Reminiscences of the early times of the achromatic microscope’, Monthly Microscopical Journal, (1870), 3, p. 285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 Allen, , op. cit. (23), pp. 128–40Google Scholar; Barber, , op. cit. (24), pp. 111–24.Google Scholar

43 Bailey, P., Leisure and Class in Victorian Britain: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885, London and Toronto, 1978, p. 64.Google Scholar

44 Richter, D., Riotous Victorians, Ohio and London, 1981, pp. 5161Google Scholar; Wood, A., Nineteenth-Century Britain 1815–1914, London, 1968, pp. 271–8, 453.Google Scholar

45 Barber, , op. cit. (24), pp. 117–20.Google Scholar

46 Gosse, P. H., The Aquarium: An Unveiling of the Wonders of the Sea, 1st edn, London, 1854Google Scholar; 2nd edn (revised), London, 1856.

47 Gosse, ibid. (1856), esp. pp. 250–89. For a more detailed political interpretation of the aquarium see Hamlin, C., ‘Robert Warrington and the moral economy of the aquarium’, Journal of the History of Biology, (1986), 19, pp. 131–53.Google Scholar

48 Kingsley, C., op. cit. (28), pp. 139–40.Google Scholar

49 Rev. Wood, J. G., The Fresh and Salt Water Aquarium, 1868, London, pp. 3, 5Google Scholar; see Allen, , op. cit. (23), p. 140Google Scholar and Barber, , op. cit. (24), pp. 121–2Google Scholar for the popular demise of aquaria.

50 A contemporary engraving of this event from the Illustrated London News is reproduced in Brown, O., Butler, S. and Nuttall, R., The Social History of the Microscope, Cambridge, 1986, p. 1Google Scholar, and Barber, , op. cit. (24), p. 16.Google Scholar

51 Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50), pp. 59.Google Scholar

52 Gosse, P. H., Evenings with the Microscope, London, 1859CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lankester, Edwin, Half-Hours with the Microscope, London, 1859Google Scholar; Wood, J. G., op. cit. (1)Google Scholar; Hon. MrsWard, , A World of Wonders Revealed by the Microscope, London, 1858Google Scholar, Microscope Teachings, London, 1864 and The Microscope, 3rd edn, London, 1869.Google Scholar

53 Ward, , The Microscope, 3rd edn, 1869, p. vi.Google Scholar

54 Lankester, E., op. cit. (52), pp. 12, 24.Google Scholar The author was editor of the Quarterly Journal of Microscopy and the father of Edwin Ray Lankester (see below), DNB.

55 Lankester, , op. cit. (52), pp. 31, 58, 59.Google Scholar

56 Wood, , op. cit. (1), p. 3.Google Scholar

57 Rev. Reade, J. B., ‘Microscopic test objects under parallel light and corrected powers’, Popular Science Review, (1870), 9, p. 140Google Scholar; Ward, , op. cit. (53), p. 40.Google Scholar See Wood in first epigraph above for a further example of this usage.

58 Collingwood, C., ‘The microscope; with directions for its use’, Popular Science Review, (1862), 1, p. 44Google Scholar; Gosse, , op. cit. (52), p. iv.Google Scholar

59 Wood, , op. cit. (1), p. 2.Google Scholar For a discussion of ‘improvements’ in microscope construction due to Lister et al., see below.

60 Collingwood, , op. cit. (58), pp. 462, 464Google Scholar; Ward, , op. cit. (53), p. 12.Google Scholar

61 BAAS Report, (1870), pt 2, p. 92Google Scholar; emphasis added.

62 Gosse, , op. cit. (52), pp. ivv.Google Scholar

63 BAAS Report, (1870), pt 2, p. 93Google Scholar; emphasis added.

64 Wood, , op. cit. (1), p. 12.Google Scholar For a further discussion of ‘tacit’ knowledge in the practice of microscopy see the section on Beale and Carpenter below.

65 Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50), p. 7.Google Scholar For a parallel account of the moral imperatives used to promote popular microscopy in the USA see Warner, J. H., ‘“Exploring the inner labyrinths of creation”: popular microscopy in nineteenth-century America’, Journal of the History of Medicine, (1982), 37, pp. 24–7.Google ScholarPubMed

66 ‘The microscope in education’, The Student and Intellectual Observer, (1868), 1, pp. 41–6.Google Scholar

67 Gooday, , op. cit. (5), pp. 4350.Google Scholar

68 ‘The microscope in education’, op. cit. (66), p. 41.Google Scholar

69 Ibid., pp. 42, 44, emphasis added.

70 Ibid., pp. 44, 46.

71 Bowerbank, , op. cit. (41)Google Scholar, Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50).Google Scholar

72 Goodsir, J., ‘On the progress of anatomy’, in Turner, W. (ed.), The Anatomical Memoirs of John Goodsir F.R.S., Edinburgh, 1868, vol. 1, p. 367.Google Scholar

73 Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50), p. 6Google Scholar; Bradbury, , op. cit. (12), pp. 191–8.Google Scholar

74 Rev. Tuckwell, W., Reminiscences of Oxford, London, 1900, pp. 45–6Google Scholar; cited without interpretation in Bracegirdle, B., A History of Microtechnique, London, 1978, p. xvGoogle Scholar; Dr James Adey Ogle, Aldrichian Professor of Clinical Medicine 1824–51 and Regius Professor of Physic, 1851–7; Dr John Kidd, Regius Professor of Physic 1822–51, DNB.

75 Beale, L., How to Work with the Microscope, 4th edn, London, 1868Google Scholar; Carpenter, W., The Microscope and its Revelations, 4th edn, London 1868.Google Scholar I have chosen the fourth editions of 1868 for both works as literary resources on microscopy available immediately prior to the commencement of Huxley's course.

76 Bradbury, , op. cit. (12), pp. 203–4Google Scholar; Bradbury comments that a similar method was employed by Acland at Oxford.

77 Carpenter wrote flatteringly of his rival's invention that it ‘may be conveniently applied to the purposes of clinical observation (the examination of Urinary Deposits, Blood, Sputa &c), either in hospital or in private practice; whilst it may also advantageously be used by the Field Naturalist in examining specimens of Water for Animalcules, Protophytes, &c’, Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 82–3.Google Scholar

78 Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), p. 83.Google Scholar

79 Beale, , op. cit. (75), p. 16.Google Scholar

80 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 3, 189, emphasis added.Google Scholar

81 Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 147, 164–6.Google Scholar

82 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 33–4.Google Scholar

83 See Gosse, , op. cit. (27).Google Scholar

84 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 33–4.Google Scholar

85 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 3541Google Scholar; Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 93102.Google Scholar

86 ‘The microscope in education’, op. cit. (66), p. 43.Google Scholar

88 Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), p. 138.Google Scholar

89 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 1920Google Scholar; Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 139–40.Google Scholar

90 Davies, T. (ed. Matthews, J.), On Mounting Microscopical Objects, 2nd edn, London, 1873, pp. 323Google Scholar; Beale, , op. cit. (75), p. 76.Google Scholar For Beale's innovations in injection technology see ‘Lionel Smith Beale, 1828–1906 [Obituary]’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, (1907), 77B, pp. lix, lxii.Google Scholar

91 Bracegirdle, B., op. cit. (74), pp. 8288.Google Scholar

92 Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 44217Google Scholar; Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 185238Google Scholar; Davies, , op. cit. (90).Google Scholar

93 Davies, , op. cit. (90), p. 173.Google Scholar

94 Beale, , op. cit. (75), p. 91.Google Scholar

95 Lankester, E. Ray, ‘Instruction to science teachers at South Kensington’, Nature, (1871), 4, p. 362.Google Scholar Note Lankester's subtle incorporation of the journal's Wordsworthian epigraph into this legitimatory discourse.

96 Geison, G., Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology, Princeton, 1978, pp. 148–56Google Scholar; Butler, S., ‘Centres and peripheries: the development of British physiology, 1870–1914’, Journal of the History of Biology, (1988), 21, pp. 473500.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

97 Geison, ibid., pp. 162–9, 130–43.

98 Bibby, C., Scientist Extraordinary: The Life and Scientific Work of Thomas Henry Huxley 1825–1895, Oxford, 1972, pp. 7880Google Scholar; Geison, , op. cit. (96), pp. 130–47Google Scholar; Bower, F. O., Sixty Years of Botany in Britain (1875–1935): Impressions of an Eye-Witness, London, 1938Google Scholar; Thomason, B., ‘The new botany in Britain, 1870–1914’, UMIST, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, pp. 8, 13, 21, 23.Google Scholar

99 See Gooday, , op. cit. (5), pp. 4950Google Scholar and Second Report of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, London, 1872, pp. xixx.Google Scholar

100 See also Butterworth, H.. ‘The Science and Art Department Examinations, origins and achievements’, in McLeod, R. (ed.), Days of Judgement: Science Examinations and the Organization of Knowledge in Late Victorian England, Driffield, 1982.Google Scholar

101 Minutes of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instructions and the Advancement of Science, 1870, p. 766.Google Scholar

102 Ibid., appendix to Frankland's evidence.

103 Huxley, to Lockyer, , c. 23 06 1871Google Scholar, in Second Report of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, (1872), appendix xvii, pp. 54–5.Google Scholar

104 Ibid., pp. 53–5.

105 Huxley, T. H., ‘“Scientific Education”, notes from an after dinner speech to Liverpool Philomathic Society, 1869’, in Science and Education: Essays, London, 1893, pp. 116–17, 127.Google Scholar

106 218 teachers attended Huxley's lectures, 204 Guthrie's course on physics and 153 undertook laboratory chemistry with Frankland. For details see Second Report of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction…, p. xi.Google Scholar

107 Geison, , op. cit. (96), p. 132.Google Scholar

108 Huxley, to Foster, , 5 01 1871Google Scholar, Huxley Collection 4.29, Imperial College Archives; Huxley originally asked for a larger budget.

109 Geison, , op. cit. (96), p. 132.Google Scholar

110 Lankester, E. Ray, op. cit. (95), p. 362.Google Scholar

111 For Huxley's concern to avoid controversy on evolutionary matters in his teaching see the correspondence reproduced in Caron, J. A., ‘Biology in the life sciences: a historiographical contribution’, History of Science, (1988), 26, p. 250CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; on the notoriety of Huxley, 's 1869Google Scholar lecture ‘On the physical basis of life’, see Bibby, op. cit. (98), p. 63.Google Scholar

112 Foucault, , op. cit. (13)Google Scholar, ‘The means of correct training’, pp. 170–94Google Scholar. Note that in drawing upon this theory of normalizing discipline, I am giving a social constructivist account of ‘Nature’ quaGoogle Scholar pedagogical authority and not a ‘Foucauldian’ structuralist analysis of power diffusion.

113 Lankester, , op. cit. (95)Google Scholar; Huxley, T. H. and Martin, H. N., A Course of Instruction in Elementary Biology, Cambridge, 1875.Google Scholar

114 Lankester, , op. cit. (95), p. 362.Google Scholar For comparative analysis of Huxley's scheme of ‘biology’ see Caron, , op. cit. (111).Google Scholar

115 Lankester, , op. cit. (95), pp. 362–3.Google Scholar

116 Huxley, and Martin, , op. cit. (113), p. 7.Google Scholar

117 Lankester, , op. cit. (95), pp. 363–4.Google Scholar

118 Ibid.

119 Ibid.

120 Cited in Geison, , op. cit. (96), p. 133.Google Scholar

121 ‘On the study of biology’, in Huxley, , op. cit. (105), pp. 284–6.Google Scholar

122 ‘The laboratory in modern science’, Science, (1884), 3, p. 174Google Scholar, cited in Gooday, , op. cit. (5), p. 27.Google Scholar

Altmetric attention score

Full text views

Full text views reflects PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views.

Total number of HTML views: 0
Total number of PDF views: 97 *
View data table for this chart

* Views captured on Cambridge Core between September 2016 - 15th April 2021. This data will be updated every 24 hours.

Send article to Kindle

To send this article to your Kindle, first ensure is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about sending to your Kindle. Find out more about sending to your Kindle.

Note you can select to send to either the or variations. ‘’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

‘Nature’ in the laboratory: domestication and discipline with the microscope in Victorian life science
Available formats

Send article to Dropbox

To send this article to your Dropbox account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your <service> account. Find out more about sending content to Dropbox.

‘Nature’ in the laboratory: domestication and discipline with the microscope in Victorian life science
Available formats

Send article to Google Drive

To send this article to your Google Drive account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your <service> account. Find out more about sending content to Google Drive.

‘Nature’ in the laboratory: domestication and discipline with the microscope in Victorian life science
Available formats

Reply to: Submit a response

Your details

Conflicting interests

Do you have any conflicting interests? *