¹ For example, Zsuzsa L. Nagy argues that about 5,000 people were murdered and 70,000 were imprisoned during the White Terror. See Ránki, György, Hajdu, Tibor, and Tilkovszky, Lóránd eds., Magyarország története [The History of Hungary]. 1918–1919. 1919–1945 (Budapest, 1976), 397Google Scholar. At the other end of the spectrum, Krisztián Ungváry put the number of victims at 1,500. He argued that the Romanian Army murdered more than half of the victims. See “Sacco di Budapest, 1919. Gheorghe Mârdârescu tábornok válasza Harry Hill Bandholtz vezérőrnagy nem diplomatikus naplójára, [General Gheorghe Mârdârescu's response to the unofficial diary of Lieutenant General Harry Hill Bandholtz]” Budapesti Negyed [Budapest Quarterly] 3–4 (2000): 173–203.

² See Thoms, Robert, Bibliographie zur Geschichte der deutchen Freikorps, 1918–1923 (Berlin, 1997)Google Scholar.

³ Thus far only one author has made an attempt to analyze the social composition of the Prónay Battalion. See Pásztor, Mihály, A fehérterror néhány jelensége: Pest megye, 1919–1920 [Some aspects of the White Terror: Pest County, 1919-1920] (Budapest, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁴ Jászi, Oszkár, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Hungary (New York, 1969), 157–58Google Scholar; Jászi, Oszkár, Magyar Kálvári – Magyar Föltámadás: A Két Forrradalom Értelme, Jelentősége és Tanulságai [The Hungarian Calvary and the Hungarian Resurrection: The Meaning, Significance and Lessons of the Two Revolutions] (Budapest, 1989), esp. 153–55Google Scholar.

⁵ Pogány, József, “Fehérterror Természetrajza, [The Anatomy of the White Terror]” in Györgyi Markovits, Magyar Pokol. A magyarországi fehérterror a betiltott és üldözött kiadványok tükrében [The Hungarian Hell. The Hungarian White Terror in the Mirror of Proscribed and Banned Publications] (Budapest, 1964), 29–32Google Scholar. First published by Arbeiter-Buchhandlung in Vienna in 1920; also József Pogány, “A munkásosztály kiirtása, [The extermination of the working class]” in Markovits, Magyar Pokol [The Hungarian Hell], 402–03. First published by Arbeiter-Buchhandlung in Vienna in 1920; Révai, József, “A fasizmus veszedelme, [The threat of fascism]” in Róbert Major, 25 Év Ellenforradalmi Sajtó [25 Years of the Counterrevolutionary Press] (Budapest, 1945), 185–87Google Scholar; József Révai, “A magyar fasizmus bomlása, [Disintegration of Hungarian fascism]” Munkás, 21 March 1923, in Major, 25 Év Ellenforradalmi Sajtó, 188–89.

⁶ Makkai, János, A háború útáni Magyarország [Post-war Hungary] (Budapest, 1937), 82–83Google Scholar.

⁷ See Andics, Erzsébet, Ellenforradalom és bethleni konszolidáció (Budapest, 1946)Google Scholar; Hajdu, Tibor, “Az 1919 június 24-i ellenforradalmi lázadás történetéhez,” Párttörténeti Közlemények, 5 (1958), 240–72Google Scholar; Nemes, Dezső, Az ellenforradalom története Magyarországon, 1919-1921 [The History of the Counterrevolution in Hungary, 1919-1921] (Budapest, 1962)Google Scholar; After the defeat of the 1956 Revolution, Ervin Hollós, the Deputy Director of Department II/5 (domestic counterintelligence) in the Ministry of the Interior became the leading expert on the White Terror. To the traditional Marxist accusations, Hollós added a new charge: The counterrevolution of 1919, he argued, led directly to the “counterrevolution” of 1956. Professional historians feared Hollós, who, as an informer, was in the position to make and unmake professional careers. Given the political importance of the topic as a means of legitimization, it came as no surprise that the topic of paramilitary and state remained the exclusive reserve of party hardliners to the end of the regime in 1990. Hollós, Ervin and Lajtai, Vera, Horthy Miklós: A fehérek vezére (Budapest, 1985)Google Scholar. For Hollós's career, see Haraszti, György, Kovács, Zoltán, and Szita, Szabolcs, eds., Vallomások a holtak házából: Ujszászy István vezérőrnagynak, a 2.vkf. osztály és az Államvédelmi Közpönt vezetőjének az ÁVH fogságában írott feljegyzései (Budapest, 2007), 16Google Scholar.

⁸ See Szinai, Miklós, Ki lesz a kormányzó: A Somogyi-Bacsó-gyilkosság háttere (Budapest, 1988), 69–70Google Scholar.

⁹ On the changing perception of the nature of the Horthy regime in the 1970s and the 1980s, see Püski, Levente, “Demokrácia és diktatúra között: A Horthy rendszer jellegéről,” in Mítoszok, legendák, tévhitek a 20. század magyar történelemről, [Myths, Legends and Misconceptions about Twentieth-Century Hungarian History] ed. Romsics, Ignác, 206–33 (Budapest, 2002)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Sakmyster, Thomas, Admirális fehér lovon [Hungary's Admiral on Horseback] (Budapest, 2001), 37–41Google Scholar.

¹¹ See, among others, Ormos, Mária, Magyarország a két világháború korában, 1914–1945 [Hungary in the age of the two world wars, 1914-1945] (Debrecen, 1998), 66–74Google Scholar; Romsics, Ignác, Hungary in the Twentieth Century (Budapest, 1999), 108–116Google Scholar.

¹² Imre István Mócsy, “Radicalization and Counterrevolution: Magyar Refugees from the Successor States and Their Role in Hungary, 1918–1921,” (PhD diss., University of California, 1973), esp. 180–81.

¹³ Similar attempts have been made by two studies: Gerwarth, Robert, “The Central European Counter-Revolution: Paramilitary Violence in Germany, Austria and Hungary after the Great War,” Past and Present 200 (2008): 175–209Google Scholar; Bodó, Béla, “Paramilitary Violence in Hungary after the First World War,” East European Quarterly 38 (Summer 2004): 1–33Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See Kershaw, Ian, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation (London, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Cordoza, Anthony L., Agrarian Elites and Italian Fascism: The Province of Bologna, 1901–1926 (Princeton, 1982), 340–44; 387–436Google Scholar; Corner, Paul, Fascism in Ferrara, 1915-1925 (London/New York, 1975), 167Google Scholar; Lyttelton, Adrian, Seizure of Power: Fascism in Italy, 1919-1929 (New York, 1973), 40–41Google Scholar. Cassels, Alan, Fascist Italy (Arlington Hills, 1985), 28–29Google Scholar; Kelikian, Alice A., Town and Country under Fascism: The Transformation of Brescia, 1915–1926 (Oxford, 1986), 137–206Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Waite, Robert G. L., Vanguard of Nazism: The Free Corps Movement in Postwar Germany 1918–1923 (New York, 1952), 52–53Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Schulze, Hagen, Freikorps und Republik 1918-1920 (Boppard am Rhein, 1969), 34–69Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Koch, Hannsjoachim W., Der deutsche Bürgerkrieg. Eine Geschichte der deutschen und österreichischen Freikorps 1918–1923 (Berlin/Frankfurt, 1978), esp. 69–81; 301–310Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Theweleit, Klaus, Male Fantasies, Vol. 1: Women, Flood, Bodies, History (Cambridge, 1987), 18Google Scholar; 41–45.

²⁰ Edmondson, Clifton E., The Heimwehr and Austrian Politics, 1918-1936 (Athens, GA, 1978)Google Scholar.

²¹ Szabó, Miklós, Az újkonzervativizmus és a jobboldali radikalizmus története, 1867–1918 [The history of neo-conservatism and Right Radicalism, 1867-1918] (Budapest, 2003), 297–99Google Scholar; 303–05; 329–31.

²² Counterrevolutionaries wanted to turn the clock back; antirevolutionaries sought to slow down radicalization and put an end to excesses. Counterrevolutions were national in scope, city-based, well-organized, and lavishly financed. Peasant-led antirevolutions, on the other hand, were local or at best regional in scope and were poorly financed, organized, and led. The counterrevolutionaries were intensely ideological, whereas antirevolutionaries “remained impulsive, ill-organized, and parochial despite certain efforts by the counterrevolution from above and abroad to harness, discipline and politicize it for its cause.” Mayer, Arno J., The Furies: Violence and Terror in the French and Russian Revolutions (Princeton, 2000), 59Google Scholar.

²³ On the history of the peasant rebellion on the Southern Hungarian Plain in 1919, see Romsics, Ignác, A Duna-Tisza Köze Hatalmi Viszonyai 1918–19-ben [Political Relations on the Danube-Tisza Mid-Plains, 1918–1919] (Budapest, 1982)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Broucek, Anton, ed., Anton Lehár. Erinnerungen. Gegenrevolution und Restaurationsversuche in Ungarn 1918–1921 (Vienna, 1973), 85–88Google Scholar; 118; 140.

²⁵ Dr. Bokor, Pál, Szegedországtól Magyarországig. Visszaemlékezés A Szegedi Ellenforradalmi Napokra (Szeged, 1939), 44–46Google Scholar; Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921, [Notes from my diary prepared during the counterrevolution, 1918–1921” National Security Historical Archive (Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára or ÁBTL) ÁBTL 4.1. A-738/1, 69–72; Perneky, Mihály, Shvoy Kálmán titkos naplója és emlékirata, 1918–1945 [The Secret Diary and Memoirs of Kálmán Shvoy 1918-1945] (Budapest, 1983), 46–47Google Scholar; Dr.Kelemen, Béla, Adatok a szegedi ellenforradalom és a Szegedi kormány történetéhez [Contribution to a history of the counterrevolution and the counterrevolutionary government in Szeged] (1919) (Szeged, 1923), 488–93Google Scholar; Dombrády, Lóránd and Tóth, Sándor, A magyar királyi honvédség, 1919–1945 [The Royal Hungarian Army, 1919-1945] (Budapest, 1987), 15–17Google Scholar.

²⁶ Hollós and Lajtai, Horthy Miklós, 129.

²⁷ Dombrády and Tóth, A magyar királyi honvédség, 12–28.

²⁸ See “Toborzás a Ostenburg Zászlóaljba, 1919-1920 [Recruitment into the Ostenburg Batallion, 1919-1920],” The Ministry of War Archive (Hadtörténeti Levéltár or HL), Horthy kori csapatanyag, Székesfehérvári vadászzászlóalj [Military files from the Horthy period, The Light Infantry Battalion of Székesfehérvár] (Ostenburg, 1919–1921), 133 doboz; Captain Ranzenberger, “Ostenburg zászlóalj története, [The History of the Ostenburg Battalion]” M. szegedi vadászzászlóalj, 126. szám. Gb 1921; Kimutatás. Budapest, 1921, February 1, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439–2947, 122 doboz.

²⁹ Bálint, János István ed., A Rongyos Gárda Harcai 1919–1939 (Budapest, 1999), 63Google Scholar.

³⁰ Hollós and Lajtai, Horthy Miklós, 301.

³¹ Between August 1919 and October 1921, at least 6,000 soldiers had been recruited into the National Army from the Danube-Tisza Mid-Plains (Duna-Tisza Köze), a region that served, besides Transdanubia, as a major recruiting center. See Dombrády and Tóth, A magyar királyi honvédség, 9–14.

³² Zinner, Tibor, Az Ébredők Fénykora 1919–1923 [The Awakened Hungarians at the Zenith of Their Power, 1919–1923] (Budapest, 1989), 65–66Google Scholar.

³³ These numbers include the Prónay, the Ostenburg, and the two university battalions, as well as the civic militias active beyond their communities.

³⁴ Fukári, Valéria, Felső-Magyországi Főúri Családok: A Zayak és Rokonaik, 16–19.század [Aristocrartic Families from Upper Hungary: The Zays and Their Relatives, 1600-1900] (Pozsony, 2008), 89–108Google Scholar; Bánó, Attila, Régi Magyar Családok. Mai Sorsok [Ancient Hungarian Families] (Budapest, 1996), 160–65Google Scholar; Gudenus, József János, A magyarországi főnemesség XX. századi geneológiája [The geneology of the Hungarian aristocracy in the twentieth century], vol. 3, P–S (Budapest, 1999), 138–40Google Scholar.

³⁵ Count Hermann Salm; Count János Zichy; Count Aladár Pálffy; Count Andor Széchenyi; Prince Károly Odeskalchy; Péter Crouy; Baron Tibor Jeszenkszky; Baron Antal Lipthay; Baron Pál Prónay; Baron Egon Feilitzsch; and Baron Alfred Guretzky. These men had old historical names: Count or Baron István Rohr (Aristocrat); Baron Pál Prónay; Count Péter (?) Vay, Count János (?) Esterházy, Count Pál (?) Pongrácz, Baron Dénes Bibó.

³⁶ Géza Kovásznai Vén; Pál Kovács Mádi; Lajos Thurzó; György Giczey; Árpád Taby; István Szegheő; Tibor Rakovszky; Possible noble names: Imre Makay; György Tichy: Gábor Barothy; László Ujlaky; János Szente Varga; András, Dezső and József Muraközy; Tibor Szaplonczay; Árpád Raád: Imre Kuthy, Károly Kmetty; Nándor Reviczky; László Baky; Tibor Farkasházy; Árpád Zsáry; László Vannay. (Based on “Névjegyzék a fenti zászlóaljnál szolgálatot teljesitő tényleges és tartalékos tisztekről, [The list of professional and reserve officers serving at the above mentioned battalion]” Budapest, 18 December 1920, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439–2947, 120 doboz; also A Magyar Katona, Osztenburg Vadászok Lapja, 27 February 1921.

³⁷ The group included in November 1918: Pál Prónay, József and György Görgey, Miklós Kozma, András Mecsér, Gyula Toókos, Kálmán Rácz, Péter Crouy, Béla Marton, András Zsilinsky, Endre Beretvás, Gyula Geher, and Victor Wiesinger.

³⁸ János Gömbös was the brother of the MOVE chief, Gyula Gömbös; István Stréter was the son of the Minister of Defense; Tibor Rakovszky was the son of the Speaker of the Parliament. János Gömbös had registration number 20, which meant that he was one of the founders of the Prónay Detachment. He executed the member of the local municipal government in Szekszárd on 10 August. He committed suicide in 1927. See Gergely, Jenő, Gömbös Gyula. Politikai Pályakép [Gyula Gömbös: A Political Biography] (Budapest, 2001), 15, 67, 75Google Scholar.

³⁹ They included the Heim, Prónay, Simonyi Hussars and Ostenburg, Jakab Vén, and Madary companies.

⁴⁰ Nobles among Hungarian officers in the k.u.k army before 1867: 67 percent; 1867–1882: 86.6 percent; 1883–1896: 33.5 percent; 1897–1913: 20.8 percent See Hajdu, Tibor, Tisztikar és középosztály: Ferenc József magyar tisztjei [The officer corps and the middle class: Franz Joseph's Hungarian officers] (Budapest, 1999)Google Scholar, 148. István Deák concludes that the decline in noble representation signaled the abandonment of the emperor by its aristocratic families. See Deák, István, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (New York, 1990), 156–64Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See Gyáni, Gábor and Kövér, György, Magyarország Társadalomtörténete a Reformkortól a Második Világháborúig [The Social History of Hungary from the Age of Reform to the Second World War] (Budapest, 2004), 258–91Google Scholar.

⁴² Mrs.Bölöni, György, “Vergődő éjszakák, [Torturous nights]” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, , 125–26Google Scholar.

⁴³ The Armee-Slawisch that most Hungarian and German officers spoke was a strange mixture of Czech, Polish, and German. The decline in the knowledge of the French language among officers between 1870 and 1914 reflected the influx of middle-class candidates and the fall in the share of noble and aristocratic officers. See Deák, Beyond Nationalism, 99–102.

⁴⁴ Hungarian only: 2; one foreign language: 51; two foreign languages: 11; three foreign languages: 8; four foreign languages: 2; German: 73; French: 9; Russian: 5; Italian: 3; Slovak: 3; Croatian: 3; English: 1; Slovenian: 1; Czech: 1; Ukrainian: 1; Polish: 1; Romanian: 1 (based on information on 75 people). See Pásztor, A fehérterror néhány jelensége [Some aspects of the White Terror], 38.

⁴⁵ In 1897, 62 percent of the hussar officers in the k.u.k army were nobles; the share of nobles and aristocrats was even higher in other cavalry units. See Hajdu, Tisztikar és középosztály, 138–41.

⁴⁶ László Bencze, “Az ellenforradalmi katonai elite kialakulásának vizsgálata egy tiszti csoport pályafutásának bemutatásával 1919–1920, [Examination of the emergence of the counterrevolutionay military elite through analysis of the careers of one group of officers, 1919–1920]” Kisdoktori Disszertáció, 1986 (?), HL, K 5422/70, 1–10.

⁴⁷ Pál Prónay, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918-1921, [Notes from my diary prepared during the counterrevolution, 1918-1921]” ÁBTL, 4.1. A–738/1, 146–47.

⁴⁸ At the end of 1920, the number of officers born in the occupied territories: 13 regular (tényleges) officers (29 percent) and 56 reserve (63 percent officers were from the occupied territories (countries outside Trianon Hungary). See M. kir. Szegedi vadász zlj. 2846. sz. kt. 1920. Névjegyzék az ország megszállott területére illetékes tisztekről, Budapest, 1920 11 December, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439-2947, 120 doboz.

⁴⁹ Austrians: Captain Ottó Rozsek, First Lieutenant Baron István Rohr, deputy lieutenants Dietrich Valér or Walter, János Sturm, Rudolf (or Rezső) Karl, and Ernő Prossl). It is unclear if Ferenc Le Grande, Le Grade, was a foreigner or only had a foreign last name. Prónay believed that they joined because they wanted to fight Jews. He also added, however, that foreigners had come to Szeged completely impoverished. See Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” ÁBTL 4.1. A–738/1, 139.

⁵⁰ There were 13 men with German surnames in the officer corps of the Ostenburg Battalion in 1920. We do not know how many Germans changed their surnames to Hungarian ones. On the other hand, people with German surnames could be Hungarian by language, culture, and sympathy. See “Ostenburg Zlj. Névjegyzéke,” ÁBTL, 4.1 A–878. Prónay considered, and dismissed, the officers of the Ostenburg Battalion as more German than Hungarian. See Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” ÁBTL 4.1. A–738/1, 307.

⁵¹ The names of his officers (Karnmer, Tuboly, Klobusarich, Stepetić, Vígh, Lorenz, Aslan, Walla, von Bellmond, Petričević, Kunze, Waldvogel, Fabini, Fabiny, Batthyány, Kövess, Kovács, and Pálffy-Daun) suggest that they came from Hungarian, German, Italian, Croatian, and Serbian backgrounds.

⁵² Egyenlőség, 25 October 1919; Perneky, Mihály, Shvoy Kálmán titkos naplója és emlékirata, 1918–1945 [The Secret Diary and Memoirs of Kálmán Shvoy 1918–1945] (Budapest, 1983), 46–47Google Scholar; Kelemen, Dr. Béla, Adatok a szegedi ellenforradalom és a Szegedi kormány történetéhez. (1919) [Contribution to a history of the counterrevolution and the counterrevolutionary government in Szeged] (Published by the author, Szeged, 1923), 117Google Scholar.

⁵³ Egyenlőség, 2 November 1919.

⁵⁴ Pataki, István, Az ellenforradalom hadserege1919–1921 [The army of the counterrevolution 1919–1921] (Budapest, 1971), 2–23, 89–90Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ladányi, Andor, Az egyetemi ifjúság az ellenforradalom első éveiben, 1919–1921 [University students during the first years of the counterrevolution, 1919–1921] (Budapest, 1979), 38–49Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ For example, the cadets and officers of the Ludovika Military Academy patrolled the streets and alleys of the middle-class and heavily Jewish eighth district.

⁵⁷ Budapesti karhatlami parancsnokság to III ker. karh. parancsnokság, Ujpest, 23 October 1919; Dobák alezredes to Vezérkari főnök. Budapest környéki III. ker. karhatalmi parancsnokság, Budapest, 2 November 1919, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, III. ker. karh. parancsnokság, 134. Doboz.

⁵⁸ Sándor Práger, Deposition (Vallomás). Politikai Nyomozóosztály Kiskunhalas. Kiskunhalas. 7 February 1946, FL, Héjjas és társai BpNb VII5e 20630/49, 543; Dr. Imre Borbás. Deposition (Kihallgatási Jegyzőkönyv). Kecskeméti Állami Rendőrség., Kecskemét 5 October 1952, ÁBTL 3.1.9 V–103275, 422/27, Dr. Borbás Imre vizsgálati dossziéja, 1–6.

⁵⁹ The unit included: officers: 3; noncommissioned officers: 11; rank and file: 58. Social background: rural middle class (1 bank administrator, 1 landowner, 2 teachers, and 1 rural administrator): 5. Lower middle class: 67; artisans/shopkeepers: 8; peasants/agricultural laborers: 58. There were no factory workers among the members. The average age of the members was 28. Csűrös Antal népfelkelő hadnagy, Névjegyzék a jászszentlászlói karhatalom 40 éven alóli tagjairól, Jászszentlászló, 2 November 1920, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439–2947, 121 doboz.

⁶⁰ Neue Freie Presse, 22 May 1920.

⁶¹ This term refers to the Alliance of Awakened Hungarians (Ébredő Magyarok Szövetsége or ÉME), perhaps the first Fascist organization in Hungary.

⁶² Margit Tóth, Deposition (Jegyzőkönyv). Felvétetett a Szociáldemokrata Párt Jogvédő Bizottságának irodájában, Budapest, 7 February 1920, PIL 658. f. 10.cs. 3. őe, 1.kötet, 254) found a month later. (Dr. Schmitz. A m. kir. csendőrség felügyelőjének ügyésze. Decision (Határozat), Budapest, April 1922, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439–2947, 123 doboz.

⁶³ Sándor Róth és Hermann Jakobovics, Deposition. Felvétetett a Szociáldemokrata Párt Jogvédő Bizottságának irodájában, Budapest, 21 February 1920 February, Archive of the Institute for History of Politics (Politikatörténeti Intézet Levéltára or PIL), PIL 658. f. 10.cs. 3. őe, 1.kötet, 271; Zinner, Tibor, Az Ébredők Fénykora 1919–1923 [The Awakened Hungarians at the Zenith of Their Power, 1919–1923] (Budapest, 1989), 70Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ The Club Café was located at Lipót Avenue (today's Saint Stephen Avenue) 16. In the 1980s, there was a disco bar called the Matróz (Sailor) in its place. In the 1920s, the Club Café was a favorite meeting place of liberal and mainly Jewish bourgeoisie.

⁶⁵ Illy László. Deposition. Budapest, (?) July 1920, Budapest City Archive (Fővárosi Levéltár or FL) FL, VII 5 c 8821/20. Bp. Kir. Bttö. Büntetőperek, Illy László és tsai, 41–49.

⁶⁶ Four of the five people who were responsible for the murder of a police officer, József Soltra, in November 1920 came from working-class backgrounds. One of them, Imre Mészáros, was sentenced to death and executed on 18 December 1920. His three working-class accomplices received long prison sentences. The only middle-class person among the attackers, Attila Rumbold, who was a university student, was originally sentenced to death as well. However, his sentence was subsequently commuted to 15 years in a penitentiary. Rumbolds was released from prison on the basis of Regent Horthy's amnesty order at the end of 1921. See Zinner, Az Ébredők Fénykora, 10.

⁶⁷ Kelemen, 496–97.

⁶⁸ Pál Prónay, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921, [Notes from my diary prepared during the counterrevolution, 1918–1921]” ÁSZTL 4.1. A–738/1, 197–98.

⁶⁹ Lajos Horváth, Deposition. Lengyeltóti, 15 February 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 818–19; Antal Máté detective lieutenant (nyomozó hadnagy), Report (Jelentés), State Police (Államrendőrség) Office Lengyeltóthi, 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 878.

⁷⁰ József Börőcz Tóth and Gábor Hallgass, Deposition. Lengyeltóthi, 6 February 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 811–12; Imre Rein. Deposition. Lengyeltóthi, 28 February 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 821–22); József Vörös. Deposition. Lengyeltóthi, 5 February 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 809–10.

⁷¹ Tóth Börőcz József és Hallgass Gábor, Deposition. Lengyeltóthi, 6 February 1946, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 811–12.

⁷² Cordoza, Anthony L., Agrarian Elites and Italian Fascism: The Province of Bologna, 1901–1926 (Princeton, 1982), 340–44; 387–436Google Scholar; Snowden, Frank, The Fascist Revolution in Tuscany 1919–1922 (New York, 1989), 7–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷³ Seventeen out of 25 or 30 participants were rich peasants and noble landowners; the rest were mainly civil servants, white-collar workers, tavern keepers, and other middle- and lower-middle-class elements. Workers were completely absent from the group. See Halmi, “Orgovány,” 64–77. József Halmi, “17699/920 Belügyministeri akta Héjjas Ivánról. A Bécsi Magyar Újság munkatársától, [File Nr. 17699/920: the Ministry of the Interior's file on Iván Héjjas]” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, 59–63.

⁷⁴ Zoltán Pánczél, Deposition. A pesti Izr. Hitközösség Jogvédő Irodája, Budapest, (?) 1921, Hungarian Jewish Archive (Magyar Zsidó Levéltár or MZSL), 1919-es fehérterror jkv-ek, 3110/3. A pesti Izr.Hitközösség Jogsegítő Irodájának felvételei; also Lajos Böhm, Deposition. Jegyzőköny, Pesti Izr. Hitközösség Jogvédő Irodája, Budapest, 8 July 1921, MZSL, 1919-es fehérterror jkv-ek, 3110/3. A pesti Izr.Hitközösség Jogsegítő Irodájának felvételei.

⁷⁵ Gábor Kállai, Deposition (Vallomási. Jegyzőkönyv). Politikai Nyomozóosztály Kecskemét., Kecskemét, 8 May 1945, FL, Héjjas és társai BpNb VII5e 20630/49.

⁷⁶ Before the war, Héjjas lived in Albania for two years. See József Halmi, “17699/920 Belügyministeri akta Héjjas Ivánról. A Bécsi Magyar Újság munkatársától, [File Nr. 17699/920: the Ministry of the Interior's file on Iván Héjjas]” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, 59–63.

⁷⁷ Bálint ed., A Rongyos Gárda Harcai, 133–34

⁷⁸ Budapesti Ügyészség. Indictment (Vádirat). 13.672/5 Nü Bp Nü 1946, 933; FL, Héjjas és társai Bp. Nb VII5e 20630/49.

⁷⁹ Szabolcsi, Lajos, Két Emberöltő: Az Egyenlőség évtizedei, 1881–1931: Emlékezések [Two Generations: The decades of Egyenlőség, 1881–1931: Memoirs] (Budapest, 1993), 282–83Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Jews and people of Jewish decent, moreover, could be found in every political camp. The Jewish Kurt Eisner, who held power in Bavaria after the revolution, was assassinated by a young aristocrat, Count Arco auf Valley, on 21 February 1919. At least one ancestor (his maternal grandfather) of Count Arco auf Valley was Jewish. Many young Jewish men, mainly students but also white-collar workers, joined the fight against the Council Republic in Bavaria after Eisner's death. Jewish bankers financed the recruitment of militia members into the Right radical Freikorps in Berlin in December 1919 as well. It was this proto-Fascist group that put down the Spartacist uprising and restored order in the city in early January. During the fight, they captured and brutally murdered the Spartacist leaders, the Jewish Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, and threw, in a typical Freikorps fashion, their remains into one of the city's canals. Jews were also active in the East protecting the country's historical borders against Polish insurgents after World War I. The man who had carried the German flag in the company of Albert Leo Schlageter, whom the Nazis later celebrated as their saint, was a Jew by the name of Alfred Badrian. See Angress, Werner T., “Juden im Politischen Leben der Revolutionzeit,” in Deutsches Judentum in Krieg und Revolution 1916–1923. Ein Sammelband, ed. Mosse, Werner E., 248–301 (Tübingen, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Egyenlőség, 25 September 25 1919.

⁸² His name was Imre Klausz; his father, a cantor in the town of Eger, had eleven children, five of whom served in the army during the war. One of his sons, Endre, spent seven years in Serbian captivity. Imre Klausz finished high school in Eger with distinction; he completed one year at the Technical University in Budapest but had to leave school because of his Jewish background. He was an excellent sportsman and won several prizes in swimming. After his dismissal from the university, he served as a volunteer for one year in the army with the rank of corporal. He died on 23 October 1921; he was 22 years old. See Egyenlőség, 6 November 1921.

⁸³ See Hanák, Péter ed., Magyarország Története, 1890–1918 [The History of Hungary, 1890-1918], vol. 7/1 (Budapest, 1983), 441–48Google Scholar; Gyáni, and Kövér, , Magyarország Társadalomtörténete, 254–55Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Pál Prónay, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921 [Notes from my diary prepared during the counterrevolution, 1918–1921],” ÁSZTL 4.1. A–738/1, 193–98.

⁸⁵ Bodó, Béla, “Aristocracy and the White Terror,” Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 4 (October 2010): 703–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁶ “Jelentés a Székesfehérvári viszonyokról, [Repors on the situation in Székesfehérvár]” Aláirás nélkül, (?) July 1920, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439-2947, 121 doboz.

⁸⁷ Bodó, Béla, “The Tószegi Affair: Rumors, ‘the People's Verdicts’ and Provincial Antisemitism in Hungary, 1919–1921,” Yad Vashem Studies XXXVI/II (Winter 2008): 115–153Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Halmi, “17699/920 Belügyministeri akta Héjjas Ivánról. A Bécsi Magyar Újság munkatársától,” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, 59–63.

⁸⁹ Mihály Francia Kiss, Deposition (Tanukihallgatási jegyzőkönyv). Kecskeméti Városi és Járási Rendőrfőkapitányság). 30 May 1957, FLB, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 143.

⁹⁰ Until March 1921, the militia battalions were paid by the Ministry of Defense. In the fall of 1919, officers' daily stipend was 6 koronas. Daily clothing allowance was 1.5 koronas. Soldiers and militias members were permitted to use the Rudas Spa free of charge. (Katonai Lapok, 13 December 1919). By early 1920, the officers' daily stipend increased to 15 koronas, the rank and file received 5 koronas. See Nemzeti Haderő, 31 January 1920. The monthly stipend of officers was about the same as the monthly salary of university professors. In early 1920, an officer received about 1,500 koronas. The generous stipend explains why so many students, especially refugees, entered the battalions. Many of these students did not even have civilian clothes; hence the request that they could wear their uniforms and display their decoration in the university buildings in May 1920. See Ladányi, Andor, Az egyetemi ifjúság az ellenforradalom első éveiben, (1919–1921) [University students during the first years of the counterrevolution, 1919–1921] (Budapest, 1979), 80–82Google Scholar.

⁹¹ See Bodó, Béla, “Militia Violence and State Power,” Hungarian Studies Review, (Spring-Fall 2006): 121–156Google Scholar.

⁹² Student welfare organizations estimated that in the spring of 1921 about a quarter of students could not cover their basic expenses; one quarter had shelter and enough food but could not heat their rooms and could not buy textbooks. In the fall of 1921, 14–16 percent of students at the Technical University in Budapest were homeless; 36 percent complained that they needed free food and food subsidies to survive; and 45 percent of students needed clothing, shoes, and underwear. See Ladányi, Az egyetemi ifjúság az ellenforradalom első éveiben, 49–55.

⁹³ Imre Varga and Sándor Varga, Deposition. Pesti Izr. Hitközösség Jogvédő Irodája, Budapest, (?) 1921, MZSL, 1919-es fehérterror jkv-ek, 3110/3. A pesti Izr.Hitközösség Jogsegítő Irodájának felvételei; Anonymous memorandum, Pesti Izr. Hitközösség Jogvédő Irodája, Budapest, (?) 1921, MZSL, 1919-es fehérterror jkv-ek, 3110/3. A pesti Izr.Hitközösség Jogsegítő Irodájának felvételei.

⁹⁴ A Magyar Katona. Osztenburg Vadászok Lapja. 8 August 1920, 4.

⁹⁵ See Reemtsma, Jan Philip, Vertrauen und Gewalt: Versuch über eine besondere Konstellation der Moderne (Hamburg, 2009), 103–33Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Flóra Breuer, Deposition (Kihallgatási Jegyzőkönyv),12 September 1919, in Németh, László and Paksy, Zoltán, Együttélés és kirekesztés: zsidók Zala megye társadalmában 1919-1945 [Coexistence and Exclusion: Jews in the social life of Zala County] (Zalaegerszeg, 2004), 87–88Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ József Dundek. Deposition. Felvétetett a Szociáldemokrata Párt Jogvédő Bizottságának irodájában, Budapest, 19 December 1919, PIL 658. f. 10.cs. 3. őe, 1.kötet, 105.

⁹⁸ “A fehérterror Magyarországon. Az angol egyesült munkás kiküldöttség teljes jelentése, 1920 május, [White Terror in Hungary. The full report of the English labor delegation]” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, 336–40.

⁹⁹ Mrs. József Neumann (maiden name René Gettler), Deposition Magyar Államrendőrség Budapesti Főkapitányságának Politikai Rendészeti Osztálya, Budapest, 6 March 1946, FL, Héjjas és társai BpNb VII5e 20630/49, 1038.

¹⁰⁰ Adolf Landau and his nephew, Géza Landau, were arrested and taken by Héjjas' men to a military base in Kelenföld in the outskirt of Budapest. The captors wanted to extort money from the Landau family. In the end, they tortured their victims. The elderly Landau was castrated and crucified; he died of his injuries. Géza Landau barely survived the maltreatment. Pesti Napló, 20 July 1922.

¹⁰¹ Marcali Járás Főjegyzője. Deposition, 22 December 1949, MMI. XXII. 417/1919/7, in Nemes, Dezső ed., Iratok az ellenforradalom történetéhez [Contribution to a history of the counterrevolution], (Budapest, 1956), 177–78Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Lajos Oláh, Denounciation (Feljelentés). Kiskunfélegyházi Városi és Járási Rendőrfőkapitányság, 22 April 1957, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 153–54.

¹⁰³ István Szili, Deposition (Tanukihallgatási Jegyzőkönyv). Budapest, 7 June 1957, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 340.

¹⁰⁴ Magyar Kir. Törvényszék, Verdict (Végzés). Budapest, 9 December 1920, BFL, VII 18 15/119–120/1920 Bp Kir. Ügy-Büntetőperek.

¹⁰⁵ Egyenlőség, 25 September 1919.

¹⁰⁶ Izsáki Hitközösség to Dr. Váry Albert Kir. Főügyész, Pesti Hitközösség Jogvédő Irodája, Budapest, 2 September 1921, MZSL, 1919-es fehérterror jkv-ek, 3110/3. A pesti Izr.Hitközösség Jogsegítő Irodájának felvételei.

¹⁰⁷ Staub, Ervin, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence, (Cambridge, 1989), 39–40Google Scholar; Gilligan, James, Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and Its Causes (New York, 1996), 97–99; 111–114Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Staub, The Roots of Evil, 67–74.

¹⁰⁹ Bartov, Omer, Mirrors of Destruction: War, Genocide and Modern Identity (New York, 2000), 1–12Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ For the best survey on the literature on the origins of Fascism, in particular the interpretation of Fascism as the reaction to modernization and as the “radicalism of the middle,” see Payne, Stanley G., A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 (Madison, WI, 1995), 455–59Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Kater, Michael H., The Nazi Party: A Social Profile of Members and Leaders, 1919–1945 (Cambridge, MA, 1983)Google Scholar. On the motivational structure of the Freikorps members, see Theweleit, Klaus, Male Fantasies, Vol. 1: Women, Flood, Bodies, History (Cambridge, 1987), esp. 143–76Google Scholar; and Waite, Robert G. L., Vanguard of Nazism: The Free Corps Movement in Postwar Germany 1918–1923 (New York, 1952)Google Scholar.

¹¹² Botz, Gerhard, Gewalt in der Politik: Attentate, Zusammenstösse, Putschversuche, Unruhen in Österreich, 1918–1938 (Munich, 1983)Google Scholar; Botz, Gerhard, “Political Violence in the First Austrian Republic,” in Social Protest, Violence and Terror in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-century Europe, ed. Mommsen, Wolfgang J. and Hirschfeld, Gerhard, 301–26 (New York, 1982), 301–11Google Scholar.

¹¹³ For an overview on the history of domestic and political violence in Hungary in the interwar period, see Gyáni, Gábor, “A bűnözés Horthy-kori történetéhez, [Contribution to a history of crime in the Horthy era]” Történelmi Szemle 47, no. 3–4 (2005): 381–92Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Social decline, as Ervin Staub has rightly pointed out, is only indirectly connected to aggression. See Staub, Ervin, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (New York, 1989), 39–40Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ See Durkheim, Émile, Suicide: A Study in Sociology (Glencoe, IL, 1951), esp. 241–76Google Scholar; Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure (New York, 1968), 185–248Google Scholar; on the development of the anomie school in the second half of the twentieth century, see Hagan, Frank E., Introduction to Criminology: Theories, Method, and Criminal Behavior (Chicago, 1986), 430–32Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ He and his friend, First Lieutenant Gusztáv Léderer, continued their trade in the interwar period. In 1925, Léderer and his wife killed a butcher and, in order to get rid of the evidence, dissected his remains. See Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” ÁBTL 4.1. A-738/1, 130.

¹¹⁷ Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” ÁBTL 4.1. A-738/1, 288.

¹¹⁸ Halmi, “17699/920 Belügyministeri akta Héjjas Ivánról, [File Nr. 17699/920: the Ministry of the Interior's file on Iván Héjjas]” in Magyar Pokol, ed. Markovits, 53–59

¹¹⁹ Gergely, Gömbös Gyula, 22–23.

¹²⁰ Haraszti et al., Vallomások a holtak házából, 184.

¹²¹ Miklós Márton Reissman. Deposition (Tanuvallomási Jegyzőkönyv). Budapest, 12 September 1947, ÁBTL 4.1 A–830, pp. 169–70.

¹²² Ormos, Mária, Egy magyar médiavezér: Kozma Miklós. Pokoljárás a médiában és a politikában (1919–1941) [A Hungarian media mogul: Miklós Kozma. His tribulations in the media and political life (1919–1941)], vol. 1 (Budapest, 2000), 33–37Google Scholar.

¹²³ On Baky and Endre, see Szirmai, Rezső, Fasiszta lelkek: pszichoanalitikus beszélgetések a háborús főbűnösökkel a börtönben [Fascist Souls: a psychoanalyst's conversation with war criminals in prison] (Budapest, 1993)Google Scholar; originally published in 1946, 120–30; 262–63; 140–48; 265; also “Endre László,” HL, Hadtörténeti Könyvtár, Ny.sz,: 106, 486–91.