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Undermining a Bulwark of the Monarchy: Civil-Military Relations in Fortress Przemyśl (1871–1914)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 April 2017
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References
1 “Das Polizeimassacre in Przemyśl,” Arbeiter Zeitung, 24 May 1907, 4; Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv [AVA], Inneres, Ministerium des Innern (MdI), Präsidium (Präs) Carton A 2111 Nr. 5992/MI 1907 (19 June 1907).
2 Pollack, Martin, Galizien: Eine Reise durch die verschwundene Welt Ostgaliziens und der Bukowina (Frankfurt, 2001), 23Google Scholar.
3 Przemyśl's main importance prior to the 1870s was as a site of the Ruthenian national awakening. By the 1850s, though, its role had largely been overshadowed by Lviv. See Stępień, Stanisław, “Borderland City: Przemyśl and the Ruthenian National Awakening in Galicia,” in Galicia: A Multicultured Land, ed. Hann, Christopher and Magocsi, Paul Robert (Toronto, 2005), 52–70 Google Scholar. “Ruthenian” is the preferred term until around World War I, when the Ukrainian national movement became dominant.
4 There is a rich historiography on Habsburg Lviv and Krakow. For a start, see Czaplicka, John, ed., Lviv: A City in the Crosscurrents of Culture (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; Prokopovych, Markian, Habsburg Lemberg: Architecture, Public Space, and Politics in the Galician Capital, 1772–1914 (West Lafayette, IN, 2009)Google Scholar; Purchla, Jacek, Cracow in the European Core (Olszanica, 2008)Google Scholar; Purchla, Jacek, Krakau unter österreichischer Herrschaft 1846–1918. Faktoren seiner Entwicklung, trans. Medziński, Michał and Czownic, Jacek (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar; Wood, Nathanial D., Becoming Metropolitan: Urban Selfhood and the Making of Modern Cracow (DeKalb, IL, 2010)Google Scholar.
5 Kuzmany, Börries, Brody: Eine galizische Grenzstadt im langen 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frank, Alison Fleig, Oil Empire: Visions of Prosperity in Austrian Galicia (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar.
6 Charles Ingrao first formulated this framework for Habsburg strategic policy in “Habsburg Strategy and Geopolitics in the Eighteenth Century,” War and Society in East Central Europe 2 (1982): 49–66 Google Scholar.
7 Przemyśl's population in 1870 was 15,185, of which 42% was Roman Catholic (usually Polish), 19% Greek Catholic (usually Ruthenian), and 40% Jewish. By 1910 it was up to 54,078 and 47% Roman Catholic, 22% Greek Catholic, and 30% Jewish. See Walerjan Kramarz, Ludność Przemyśla w Latach 1521–1921 [The population of Przemyśl in the years 1521–1921] (Przemyśl, 1930), 55, 108.
8 For the importance of the Austro-Hungarian army to the social cohesion of the state, see Deák, István, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (New York, 1990)Google Scholar, ix; Rothenberg, Gunther E., The Army of Francis Joseph (West Lafayette, IN, 1976)Google Scholar; and more recently Cole, Laurence, Military Culture and Popular Patriotism in Late Imperial Austria (Oxford, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bassett, Richard, For God and Kaiser: The Imperial Austrian Army (New Haven, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 See Kramarz, Ludność Przemyśla, 50–106, for an exhaustive breakdown of Przemyśl's population, employment, and demographic makeup during the decades of Austrian occupation. In 1880, Przemyśl's garrison was only 1,373 soldiers, or 6% of the population. By 1890, the garrison ballooned to 7,192 soldiers, or 20% of the city. In 1910, it was 8,514, or 18%.
10 See excerpts from Lerski's memoirs in Wiater, Stanislaw, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy: Antologia XX Wieku [Przemyśl in the eyes of authors: A twentieth-century anthology] (London, 1994), 58–66 Google Scholar.
11 Wagner, Walter, “Die k.(u.).k. Armee-Gliederung und Aufgabenstellung,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. 5: Die Bewaffnete Macht, ed. Wandruszka, Adam and Urbanitsch, Peter (Vienna, 1987), 178–79Google Scholar.
12 The Reichs-Kriegs-Ministerium ordered all major commands to reevaluate fortress layout and survey potential sites as early as 1866. Kriegsarchiv [KA], Zentralstellen, Kriegsmiisterium, Präs 19-9/2 1868. Austria-Hungary's high command debated throughout the late 1860s and early 1870s about how best to defend central Galicia, with defensive schemes ranging from complete fortification of the San River, to fortifying Jarosław, to fortifying Przemyśl, to fortifying both Jaroslaw and Przemyśl. Ultimately, financial restrictions curtailed the more elaborate defensive plans. See Wagner, “Die k.(u.).k. Armee-Gleiderung und Aufgabenstellung,” 400–412. See also Bobusia, Bogusław, Gosztyła, Marek, and Zub, Monika, Plany Twierdzy Przemyśl [Plans of the Fortress Przemysl], vol. 1 (Przemyýl, 2004)Google Scholar.
13 For a study of fortress construction, see Forstner, Franz, Przemyśl: Österreich-Ungarns bedeutendste Festung (Vienna, 1987)Google Scholar. See also Idzikowski, Thomasz, Twierdza Przemyśl: Powstanie, Rozwój, Technologie [Fortress Przemyśl: Origin, development, technology] (Krosno, 2014)Google Scholar. Between 1871 and 1878, construction work focused on roads to planned fortress sites.
14 von Salis-Soglio, Daniel Frieherrn, Mein Leben und was ich davon erzählen will, kann und darf, vol. 2: Von 1867 an (Stuttgart, 1908), 39–66 Google Scholar. Brunner served as Genie-Director in Przemyśl from 1889–93, but he had considerable influence on Austro-Hungarian fortress design and engineering policy for the rest of his life. See KA, Militärische Nachlässe [NL], box 1, folder 20, “Persönliche Daten über Feldmarshalleutant von Brunner”; and KA, NL, box 2, folder 43, “Feldmarschalleutnant Moritz Ritter von Brunner.”
15 Gilewicz, Aleksy, “Twierdza Przemyśl w XIX I XX w.” [Fortress Przemyśl in the 19th and 20th centuries], Rocznik Przemyski [Przemyśl yearbook] 12 (1968): 159Google Scholar.
16 Fort Optyn is not labeled in Figure 1 but is located directly below the village of Pikulice. Reynolds, Francis J., Churchill, Allen L., Miller, Francis Trevelyan, Wood, Leonard, and Knight, Austin Melvin, eds., The Story of the Great War, vol. 5: Neuve Chapelle, Battle of Ypres, Przemysl, Masurian Lakes (New York, 1916–20), 1448Google Scholar.
17 Malczewski, Jan, Przemyśl w latach 1772–1914: Budownictwo, gospodarka komunalna, przemiany przestrzenne [Przemyśl in the years 1772–1914: Architecture, municipal economy, spatial transformation] (Rzeszów, 2009), 170–84Google Scholar.
18 Statistischer Baubericht über den Bau des Gürtel-Hauptwerkes IV “Optyń” (Mit 4 Plänen und 3 Beilagen) Vienna, 1901.
19 Naturally, there were exceptions. The city's one pogrom during this era was partially motivated by low employment. See “Zaburzenia głodowe w Przemyślu” [Disorders of the head in Przemysl], Kuryer Lwowski [Lviv courier], 27 May 1898, 1–2; “Roboty lub chleba” [Work or bread], Echo Przemyski [Przemyśl echo], 29 May 1898, 2.
20 Błoński, Jacek, “Przemyśl: ‘Najzacniejszy plac broni Galicji,” [Przemysl: The most important armed spot in Galicia] Nasz Przemyśl [Our Przemyśl] 54, no. 3 (March 2009): 41Google Scholar. Kramarz, Ludność Przemyśl, 107. In 1880 there were 1,208 freestanding houses, and by 1900 there were 2,103. For apartment units, it was 3,892 and 7,658.
21 Durkacz-Foremska, Anna, “Education and Culture in Przemyśl during the Galician Autonomy,” in Przemyśl i jego mieszkańcy w Królestwie Galicji i Lodomerii [Przemysl and its inhabitants in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria] (Przemyśl, 2003), 61–63 Google Scholar.
22 Kaps, Klemens, Ungleiche Entwicklung in Zentraleuropa: Galizien zwischen überregionaler Verflechtung und imperialer Politik (1772–1914) (Vienna, 2015), 337–40, 429CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23 The relative size of Przemyśl's Jewish population declined over these years—from 38.2% of the city population in 1870 to 30.4% in 1900. Numerically, though, the Jewish community almost tripled in size from 5,962 to 14,109. See Kramarz, Ludność Przemyśl, 108. See Curt Dunagan, “The Lost World of Przemyśl: Interethnic Dynamics in a Galician Center, 1868–1921” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1999) for a discussion of the cultural and religious life of Przemyśl's Jews.
24 “Galicya w liczbach” [Galicia in numbers], Gazeta Przemyska, 9 April 1891, 1–2. Lviv had a typical rate of 10%.
25 KA Karten- und Plansammlung, Landesbeschreibungen KVII h, 126–32 “Epsilon Gebäudeinventar aller in Verwaltung der k.u.k. Geniedirektion in Przemysl stehenden ärarischen und dauernd gemieten, dann auf Grund der Einquartierungsgesetze beigestellten und der sonstigen in militaärischer Benützung befindlichen Immobilien.” Most of the army's facilities were built before 1900. See also Bobusia, Bogusław, Gosztyła, Marek, and Zub, Monika, Plany Twierdzy Przemyśl, vol. 3 (Przemyśl, 2010)Google Scholar, which lists over ninety Austro-Hungarian military buildings in Przemyśl, and their current condition and use.
26 KA-KM PRÄS 45-3/7 ex 1889, carton 857, Reichs Kriegs Ministerium Res Nro 6.
27 Beata Świętojańska, “Twierdza Przemyśl, i jej wyplyw na rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy miasta, w okresie autonomii Galicyjskiej” [Fortress Przemyśl and its effect on the socioeconomic growth of the city in the era of Galician autonomy] (Ph.D. diss., University of Rzeszów, 2009), 30–32.
28 Graulik, Johann, Das k. und k. Corps-Artillerie-Regiment Luitpold Prinz-regent von Bayern Nr. 10: Chronik der Ereignisse vom Jahre 1854 bis 1894 (Vienna, 1894), 207–37Google Scholar.
29 Kramarz, Ludność Przemyśla, 57 and 79; “Budzet miasta Przemysla na rok 1901” [Przemyśl's city budget for 1901], Echo Przemyskie, 13 January 1901, 2; Broński, Krzystof, “The Role of Mayors in the Development of Medium-sized Galician Towns Using the Examples of Nowy Sącz, Przemyśl and Stanisławów,” in Mayors and City Halls: Local Government and the Cultural Space in the late Habsburg Monarchy: International conference, 30 November–2 December 1995 (Cracow, 1998), 90Google Scholar. See also Dalecki, Maciej, “Gospodarka finansowa samorządowych wladz miejskich Przemyśla w latach 1867–1914” [Financial management of municipal governmental authorities in Przemysl in the years 1867–1914], Rocznik Przemyski 28 (1991–92): 202–4Google Scholar; Archiwum Państwowe w Przemyślu (State Archive in Przemysl, APP) 129.1361.
30 Graulik, Das k. und k. Corps-Artillerie-Regiment, 235–36. See also unit nationality and linguistic makeup (as of 1914) at “Infanterie-Regimenter 1–102 as at July 1914,” Austro-Hungarian Army, accessed 5 November 2016, http://www.austro-hungarian-army.co.uk/nationality.htm. Units like the 9th, 10th, 77th, and 45th infantry regiments were recruited in central Galicia and thus predominately Polish, Ruthenian, and Jewish. Cavalry and artillery units were transferred in from Bohemia and Hungary to help counter the superiority in Russian cavalry.
31 Pollack, Martin, Galizien: Eine Reise durch die verschwundene Welt Ostgaliziens und der Bukowina (Frankfurt, 2001), 20Google Scholar. Felix Mantel discusses the favorite bakeries of officers, lawyers, and workers. See Wiater, Stanislaw Jozef, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy: Antologia XX Wieku [Przemyśl in the eyes of writers: A 20th-century anthology] (London, 1994), 36Google Scholar.
32 For example, “Wielki bal kostyumowy” [Great costume ball], Nowy Głos Przemyski, 27 February 1904, 2.
33 Quoted in Pudłucki, Tomasz, Iskra Światła czy Kopcąca Pochodnia? Inteligencja w Przemyślu w Latach 1867–1939 [A spark of light or a smoky torch? The intelligentsia in Przemyśl from 1867–1939] (Cracow, 2009), 359Google Scholar.
34 “Zniemczone miasto” [A Germanized city], Gazeta Przemyska, 19 February 1909, 1. These are clearly code terms for the Jews. At this time, Gazeta Przemyska was the local organ of Roman Dmowski's increasingly antisemitic and nationalistic Polish National Democrats.
35 For example, the Edison coffeehouse had military music every day, and the Habsburg café every Sunday. See newspaper advertisements from Nowy Głos Przeyski, 20 February 1904, 3–4; “W kawiarni Habsburg” [In the Habsburg café], Nowy Głos Przemyski, 23 January 1904, 3.
36 Durkacz-Foremska, “Education and Culture,” 69. I have been unable to find exact figures on the size of the prostituion industry in Przemyśl during this era.
37 For more information about Dworki's service, see Bogomila, Filarecka, “Alexander Dworski (1822–1908) Burmistrz Miasta Przemyśl” [Alexander Dworski (1822–1908) mayor of Przemysl], Rocznik Przemyski 32 (1996): 67–76 Google Scholar.
38 G. E. R. Gedye, “Sardonic General Mourned in Austria: Wealth of Anecdotes Recalled with the Passing of Von Galgótzy at 93,” The New York Times, 19 November 1929, 10.
39 See, for example, APP 129.1688, 147–150; APP 129.1467.
40 Quoted in Świętojańska, Beata, “Miasto Przemyśl: Garnizonem Armii Austro-Węgierskiej w Okresie Autonomii Galicyjskiej” [The city of Przemysl: An Austro-Hungarian garrison in the era of Galician autonomy], Rocznik Przemyski 40, no. 4 (2004): 29Google Scholar.
41 One of the more egregious examples of censorship was an open letter to Galgótzy. The letter would have criticized his abuse of police powers and leading an unfriendly army of occupation. See “List otwarty do p. Antona Galgotzego, komendata korpusu” [Open letter to Mr. Anton Galgótzy, corps commander], Głos Przemyski, 4 June 1899, 1; and “W jaki sposób konfiskuje sie, ‘Głos Przemyski’” [How the “Voice of Przemyśl” was confiscated], Głos Przemyski, 18 June 1899, 2. For examples of arrests, see “Rozruchy głodowe przed sądem” [Uproar against starvation in court], Głos Przemyski, 28 October 1899, 3; “Arrestowano” [Arrested], San, 13 April 1879, 2.
42 Świętojańska, “Twierdza Przemyśl,” 30, 215; A. Bloch, “Dr. Herman Liebermann,” in Przemyśl Memorial Book, ed. Menczer, Arie (Israel, 1964), 115Google Scholar.
43 Zbigniew Beiersdorf, “Town Halls in Galicia,” in Mayors and City Halls, 129–30. The most important laws granting local autonomy were the District Law of 1882 and the Large Cities Law of 1889.
44 John-Paul Himka's study of Galician Social Democracy generally focuses on voluntary artisan associations, particularly in and around Lviv, Krakow, and Boryslav before 1890. Przemyśl was relatively quiet during these years, though the city's Greek Catholic Bishop denounced “socialist agitation” in 1886. See Himka, , Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890) (Cambridge, 1983), 136Google Scholar. Przemyśl was the site of the first Polish Social Democratic party (thanks to a split with the Ruthenians) in Galicia. See Martin Pollack, Galizien, 22–23; Roazen, Paul, Helene Deutsch: A Psychoanalyst's Life (New Brunswick, 1992), 31–34 Google Scholar.
45 Arthur Leinwand, Poseł Herman Lieberman [Representative Herman Lieberman] (Cracow, 1983), 28. Himka, Socialism in Galicia. In Przemyśl, fortress construction, and thus employment, usually went on hiatus from December through March.
46 AVA, Inneres, MdI Präs1871–1902 (cartons A 725, A 867, and A 2108).
47 AVA, Inneres, MdI, Präs Zl: 126/pr. “Bericht des k.k. Statthalteri-Rattes in Bezirkshauptmannschaftsleiten im Przemyśl vom 5/7 1898.”
48 Labor (Po'alei) Zionists frequently disrupted Social Democratic meetings after 1904, sometimes violently. Przemyśl's Jewish community had many of the same divisions and conflicts as other Galician cities. In general, Jewish liberals and progressives started the fortress era as pro-Polish integration. They made considerable progress; by 1901, Jewish council meetings were officially held only in Polish. Jewish Socialists remained integrated with the Polish Social Democratic Party (PPSD) until 1905, when the Jewish Social Democratic Party (ŻPSD) split with the PPSD over concerns about the party's increasing nationalism. Lieberman opposed this split. Meanwhile, in spite of a few activists, Zionism had little support in Przemyśl, at least before the appointment of Zionist Gedalia Schmelkes as city rabbi in 1904. Though there was considerable activity among Jewish progressives, socialists, and Zionists, Przemyśl's Jewish leadership was largely Orthodox and rejected modernization. For further information about Przemyśl's Jews, see Dunagan, “The Lost World of Przemyśl,” 133–35, 225–27. For Galician Jews generally, see Shanes, Joshua, Diaspora Nationalism and Jewish Identity in Habsburg Galicia (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and McCagg, William O., A History of the Habsburg Jews, 1670–1918 (Bloomington, 1989), 183, 185Google Scholar. Despite opposition to the army in the decades before World War I, during the war, Przemyśl's Jews enthusiastically supported the Habsburg war effort both in and out of the military.
49 See excerpts from Lieberman's memoirs in Wiater, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy, 58.
50 Wiater, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy, 58–66.
51 Dunagan, “The Lost World of Przemyśl,” 231. Lieberman was well-educated, reading Polish, German, French, English, Ruthenian, Russian, Greek, and Latin, but not Yiddish. See Andrzejewski, Zenon, “Przemyski wątki w biografii Hermana Liebermana (cz. 2)” [Threads from Przemyśl in the biography of Herman Lieberman], Rocznik 9–10 (2011): 250Google Scholar.
52 “Autonomiczna niewola” [Independent slavery], “Msza pod bagnetami” [Mass under bayonets], “Krwawa zabawa” [Bloody game], and “Strazny los żołnierski” [The dreadful fate of soldiers], Głos Przemyski, 15 January 1899, 1–3. The dreadful fate of soldiers is apparently military justice. The story was about the harsh punishments that young Mikołaj Stecykiewicz suffered for falling asleep by his drum during field maneuvers. “Strazny los żołnierski” was a somewhat regular feature in Głos Przemyski, appearing every few weeks in 1899.
53 Leinwand, Poseł, 34–36; Bloch, “Dr. Herman Liebermann,” 115–16.
54 “Aresztowanych,” Echo Przemyskie, 11 November 1900, 3; Wiater, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy, 64.
55 AVA MdI Präs, carton A 2109 (Galicia 1903–05) P. Nr. 8984/MI 1903 (26 December 1903). See also Roazen, Helene Deutsch, 28–30; Wiater, Przemyśl w Oczach Pisarzy, 66.
56 In the censored open letter to Galgotzy, Głos Przemyski specifically threatened to bring conditions in Przemyśl “to the sphere of public discussion and stir up public legal appointees” in Vienna. See “List otwarty do p. Antona Galgotzego, komendata korpusu,” Głos Przemyski, 4 June 1899, 1.
57 “Samobojstwa w Armi” [Suicide in the army], Gazeta Przemyska, 4 March 1900, 1. The garrison had ten suicides (two NCOs and eight enlisted soldiers) between November 1899 and February 1900.
58 Sked, Alan, “Social Attitudes and Legal Constraints: Army Life in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1890–1914,” Journal on European History of Law 2 (2012): 28Google Scholar.
59 Karl Kraus, Die Fackel, Nr. 132, Wien, Anfang März 1903 IV. Jahr, 1–4.
60 Laszlo M. Alfoldi “Die Generale magyarischer Nationalitat im k.u.k. Heer von 1890 bis 1914,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Innsbruck, 1970).
61 Frank, Oil Empire, 158–61; AVA MdI Präs, carton A 2109 (Galicia 1903–1905), P. Nr. 6147/MI 1904 (25 August 1904) and P. Nr. 6756/MI 1904 (21 September 1904).
62 AVA MdI Präs, carton A 2110 (Galicia 1906), Zal. 148/g (from Statthalterei Praesidium in Lemberg to the MoI) (7 August 1906), 1–4.
63 Anna Durkacz-Foremska, “Stan gospodarczy Przemyśla w Królestwie Galicji i Lodomerii w latach 1772–1914” [The economic condition of Przemyśl within the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria in the years 1772–1914], in Przemyśl i jego mieszkańcy [Przemyśl and its inhabitants], 59–60. Galicia had 38,000 industrial workers in 1880, 47,000 in 1890, 60,000 in 1900, and 86,000 in 1910; AVA MdI Präs, carton A 2110 (Galicia 1906), Zl. 831/pr.
64 Możdrzeń, Jan, “Radykalizacja ruchu robotniczego w Przemyślu w okresie oddziaływania rewolucji w Rosji w latach 1905–1907” [Radicalization of the worker's movement in Przemyśl during the era of the Russian Revolution 1905–1907], Rocznik Przemyski 19–20 (1978): 251–80Google Scholar.
65 McCagg, History of Habsburg Jews, 185; AVA MdI Präs, carton A 2110 (Galicia 1906), Zl. 861/pr. See Jobst, Kerstin, Zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus: Die polnische und ukrainische Sozialdemokratie in Galizien von 1890 bis 1914. Ein Beitrag zur Nationalitaätenfrage in Habsburgerreich (Hamburg, 1996)Google Scholar for an overview of the shifting relationship between socialists and nationalists in Galicia during the fin-de-siècle.
66 Binder, Harald, “Galicia's Parliamentary Elites in the Transition to Mass Politics,” Elites and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe (1848–1918), ed. Paál, Judith and Popovici, Vlad (Frankfurt, 2014), 145–60Google Scholar. Prior to 1907 votes were allocated by curia, social categories roughly divided by tax bracket. Curial voting invariably shifted power toward the elites—the great landowners curia elected one MP for 108 voters, while for the bottom curia one MP represented 19,000. Lieberman was one of only two Jewish parliamentary representatives of the PPSD elected in 1907.
67 “Taktyka socyalistów” [Socialist tactics], Gazeta Przemyska, 16 April 1907, 2.
68 Leinwand, Poseł Herman Lieberman, 61–64; “Wybory w kraju” [Elections in the country], Kuryer Lwowski, 19 May 1907, 4–5. Lieberman was also supported by some, though not all, of the town's lawyers, doctors, and school teachers. His main opponents were the officer corps, Catholic clergy, and town officials.
69 The 1907 election was an important one for other Jewish candidates as well—the Jewish National Party and Independent Nationalists and the Jewish Electoral Organization managed to get a total of seven representatives elected. See Shanes, Diaspora Nationalism, for a discussion of Jewish candidates in 1907.
70 Shakos refer to parade headgear worn as part of a soldier's uniform.
71 “Das Polizeimassacre in Przemyśl,” Arbeiter Zeitung, 24 May 1907, 4; A. Bloch, “Dr. Herman Liebermann,” 115; AVA MoI Präs, carton A 2111 Nr. 5992/MI 1907; Leinwald, Poseł Herman Lieberman, 63.
72 “Das Polizeimassacre in Przemyśl,” Arbeiter Zeitung, 24 May 1907, 4; AVA MoI Präs, carton A 2112 P. Nr. 5080/MI 1908 (MOI Präs, 25–26.)
73 “Czerwony Przemyśl (Obrazek z niedawnej przeszłości)” [Red Przemysl: Pictures from the recent past], Gazeta Przemyska, 14 June 1907, 3. Gazeta Przemyska switched owners in 1907. Nowy Głos Przemyski took over as the main Social Democratic newspaper in town. The term “half-Asian” was popularized in 1876 by Karl Emil Franzos's, Aus Halb-Asien, a collection of stories published in Leipzig. See Wolff, Larry, The Idea of Galicia: History and Fantasy in Habsburg Political Culture (Stanford, 2010), 241–46Google Scholar.
74 “Obrazki Socyalistycznej Przyszłości” [Visions of a socialist future], Gazeta Przemyska, 14 June 1907, 1–2. The 1907 election was a major victory for Austrian Social Democrats, who won eighty-seven Reichsrat seats. By way of contrast, in 1900, they only won ten seats. In the face of this new socialist threat, Polish conservatives remained a large and solid block in support of the government and emperor. See Kann, Robert A., A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526–1918 (Berkeley, 1974), 431–32Google Scholar.
75 Leinwand, Poseł Herman Lieberman, 83–86; Orłowicz, Mieczysław, Ilustrowany przewodnik po Przemyślu i okolicy z planem miasta, mapką okolicy i 63 ilustracyami w tekście [Illustrated guidebook for Przemyśl and its surroundings with a map of the city and surroundings and 63 illustrations] (Przemyśl, 1917), 94Google Scholar.
76 For Fortress Przemyśl and the sieges of 1914–15, see Tunstall, Graydon, Written in Blood: The Battles for Fortress Przemyśl in World War I (Bloomington, IN, 2016)Google Scholar; See also Fahey, John, “From Imperial to National: Przemyśl, Galicia's Transformation Through World War I,” REGION: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia 4, no. 2 (2015), 195–218 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 “Łzy generalów przemskich” [Tears of Przemyśl's generals], Nowy Głos Przemyski, 5 January 1919, 3.
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