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Realpolitik or Concert Diplomacy: The Debate over Austrian Foreign Policy in the 1860's

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Richard B. Elrod
Affiliation:
University of Missouri at Kansas City

Extract

The third quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed momentous changes in the style of European diplomacy and statecraft. The generation of Klemens von Metternich, Alexander I, and Viscount Castlereagh gave way to that of Louis Napoleon, Viscount Palmerston, Camillo Benso di Cavour, and Otto von Bismarck. The previous conservative consensus among the great powers that had feared war and revolution and valued harmony, peace, and stability succumbed to other ideas and attitudes that accentuated the diversity and the rivalry of the European family of states. The precepts of Concert diplomacy that had formerly regulated relations between the powers were no longer obeyed or respected. Between 1854 and 1871 Europe experienced five wars involving great powers; from 1815 to 1854 there had been only two. Obviously the old european system that had discouraged direct challenges and confrontations was crumbling.

Type
Nineteenth Century Politics and Diplomacy
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 1981

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References

1 Hajo Holborn argues that the term “Realpolitik” cannot usefully be used to describe the approach of any statesman before 1848. See his “Bismarck's Realpolitik,” Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. XXI (1960), p. 95.Google Scholar See also Otto Pflanze, “Bismarck's Realpolitik,” Review of Politics, Vol. XX (1958). pp. 492–514. For more detail on the nature of Concert diplomacy, see Elrod, Richard B., “The Concert of Europe: A Fresh Look at an International System,” World Politics, Vol. XXV1I1 (1976). pp. 15174.Google Scholar

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14 I have found only one instance when Rechberg instructed Biegeleben to redraft a dispatch “in milder form.” See his marginal note on a dispatch dated December 16, I860, HausHof-, und Staatsarchiv (Vienna), Politisches Archiv, Pt. Ill: Preuβen, Carton 71. The only biography of Biegeleben, which is uncritical and sometimes polemical, is the one by his son: Rüdigervon Biegeleben, Ludwig Freiherr von Biegeleben. Ein Vorkämpfer des groβdeutschen Gedanken (Zürich: Amalthea, 1930). The best brief sketch is in Srbik. Deutsche Einheit. Idee und Wirklichkeit, Vol. Ill, pp. 142–154, although I think it is also rather too favorable.

15 Quite clearly Rechberg was not a forceful man. Princess Melanie Metternich, who was fond of calling him “poor Rechberg” and “our little friend Rechberg,” evidently considered him among the “little personalities” in the 185O's. Her unflattering remarks give the impressionthat he was a petty, jealous schemer and a sycophant to Prince Metternich. See Melanie's diary entries for March, April, and May, 1852, Státní Ústřední Archiv (Prague), Familienarchiv Metternich. Acta Clemenliana: Tagebuch der Fürstin Melanie. Fo. 2903. I am greatly indebted to Prof. Roy A. Austensen, of Illinois State University, for providing me with this information.

16 See, for example. Biegeleben to Franz von Roggenbach, November 27, 1861 (private), Srbik, Heinrich von (ed), Quellen zur deuischen Politik Österreichs 1859–1866 (5 vols., Munich: Gerhard Stalling Verlag, 1934–38). Vol. II, pp. 2729.Google Scholar See also Kraehe, Enno E.“Austria and the Problem of Reform in the German Confederation, 1851–1863,” The American Historical Review. Vol. LVI (1951), pp. 276294.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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22 See his private letters to Gustav Blome on January 30. 1863 (Srbik. Deutsche Einheit. Idee uiul Wirklichkeit, Vol. 111. p. 467). and to his wife on September 6. 1863 (Biegeleben, Ludwig Freiherr von Biegeleben. pp. 281–282).

23 Werther, Baron to Bismarck. 06 4 and 6. 1863 (both private). Srbik, Quellen zur deutschen Politik Österreichs. Vol. III, pp. 199203 and 204–206.Google Scholar

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25 Memorandum by Baron Ernst von Dörnberg. March 26. 1863. ibid., p. 136.

26 For the Schleswig-Holstein question, see Steefel, Lawrence D., The Schleswig-Holstein Question (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 1932)Google Scholar; Clark, Chester W.. Franz Joseph and Bismarck: The Diplomacy of Austria before the War of 1866 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1934)Google Scholar: Mosse, W. E.. The European Powers and the German Question, 1848–1871: With Special Reference to England and Russia (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1958)Google Scholar: and Burckhardt, Helmut. Deutschland, England, Frankreich: Die politischen Beziehungen Deutschlands zu den beiden westeuropäischen Groβmachten 1864–1866 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag. 1970).Google Scholar

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28 Engel-Janosi, Friedrich. “Die Krise des Jahres 1864 im Österreich,” in Historische Studien. Festschrift für A. F. Pribram (Vienna: Steyremuhl, 1929). Appendix 2, pp. 181186.Google Scholar

29 Srbik, , Quellen zur deutschen Polilik Österreichs, Vol. IV, pp. 331337.Google Scholar

30 Srbik gives an emotional account of Biegeleben's proposal of alliance with France, in which he asserts that he was ashamed that an Austrian statesman could contemplate such an “un-German” alternative. See his Deutsche Einheit. Idee und Wirklichkeit, Vol. IV, pp. 191–192. Chester W. Clark, on the other hand, concludes: “Carried out with consistency, foresight, and ingenuity, such a policy might conceivably have met with success.” See his Franz Joseph and Bismarck, p. 152.

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37 Biegeleben to Blome, June 30, and to Rudolf Apponyi (the ambassador to Great Britain), July 20, 1865 (both private), ibid. Vol. IV, pp. 764 and 792–793. In late June and early July Mensdorff and Esterházy were attempting to arrange meetings with diplomats from other German states without Biegeleben's knowledge. They devised several devious routes and devices to get their plans past the Hofrat's office (“the hornet's nest”) undetected.

38 Biegeleben to his wife, July 24 and August 2 and 15, 1865, Biegeleben, Ludwig Freiherr von Biegeleben, pp. 293–294 and 296.

39 Biegeleben to Blome, February 22, 1866 (private), Srbik, Quellen zur deutschen Politik Österreichs, Vol. V, Pt. 1, pp. 214–215. The italics are in the original. For the Prussian side of the Gastein agreement, see the recent article by John C. G. Röhl, “Kriegsgefahr und Gasteiner Konvention. Bismarck, Eulenburg und die Vertagung des preuβisch-österreichischen Kriegs im Sommer 1865,” in Imanuel Geiss and Bernd Jürgen (eds.), Deutschland in der Weltpolitik des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Dusseldorf, 1973), pp. 89–103.

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50 Clarendon, to Loftus, Lord Augustus (ambassador to Austria), 03 7, 1866, The Diplomatic Reminiscences of Lord Augustus Loftus, 1862–1879 (2nd ser, 2 vols., London; Cassell, 1894), Vol. I, pp. 4345.Google Scholar

51 For details, see Srbik, Heinrich von, “Der Geheimvertrag Österreichs und Frankreichs vom 12. Juni 1866,” Historisches Jahrbuch, Vol. LVII (1937), pp. 454507Google Scholar; and Bush, John W., Napoleon III and the Redeeming of Venetia, 1864–1866 (Syracuse, N. Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1967), Chapters III-V.Google Scholar

52 Gerhard Ritter concluded that the Franco-Prussian War produced for the first time “that sinister problem of modern national war, from which the catastrophes of our epoch have developed.” Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk. Das problem des Mililahsinus in Deutschland, Vol. I (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1954), p. 329.Google Scholar

53 See especially Solomon Wank, “Varieties of Political Despair: Three Exchanges between Aehrenthal and Gotuchowski, 1898–1906,” in Winters, Stanley B. and Held, Joseph (eds.), Intellectual and Social Developments in the Habsburg Empire from Maria Theresa to World War I (Boulder, Colo.: East European Quarterly, 1975), pp. 203239.Google Scholar