1 Fiona Kisby, ‘The Royal Household Chapel in Early-Tudor London, 1485–1547’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, London, 1996; McCulloch, Peter E., Sermons at Court. Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar; Kisby, Fiona, ‘Kingship and the Royal Itinerary, A Study of the Peripatetic Household of the Early Tudor Kings 1485–1547’, The Court Historian, IV (I) (April 1999), pp. 29–39 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thurley, S., The Royal Palaces of Tudor England (Yale, 1993), pp. 195–205.Google Scholar It should be noted that some of the non-architectural conclusions of my book have been superseded by Kisby’s Ph.D.

2 On the Chapel Royal generally see Baldwin, D., The Chapel Royal: Ancient and Modern (London, 1990)Google Scholar and the works referred to in note 1 above.

3 Milton, A., ‘“That Sacred Oratory”: Religion and the Chapel Royal during the Personal Rule of Charles I’, William Lawes 1602–1645: Essays on his Life, Time and Works, ed. Ashbee, A. (Ashgate, 1998), pp. 69–96 Google Scholar; Sharpe, Kevin, The Personal Rule of Charles I (Yale, 1992), pp. 284–92Google Scholar; Foster, Andrew, ‘Church Policies of the 1630s’, Conflict in Early Stuart England. Studies in Religion and Politics 1603–1642 (London, 1989), pp. 193–223 Google Scholar; Newman, John, ‘The Architectural Setting’, Tyacke, Nicholas, The History of the University of Oxford, IV (Oxford, 1997), pp. 166–67Google Scholar.

4 Bickersteth, John, Clerks of the Closet in the Royal Household (Stroud, 1991), pp. 19–21 Google Scholar; Lake, Peter, ‘Lancelot Andrewes, John Buckeridge, and avant-garde conformity at the court of James I’, The Mental World of the Jacobean Court, ed. Peck, Linda Levey (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 113–33.Google Scholar

5 Palme, Per, The Triumph of Peace, A Study of the Whitehall Banqueting House (Uppsala, 1957) deals with the dynastic motivations behind James’s building works.Google Scholar

6 Thurley, S., Royal Palaces, pp. 195–205 Google Scholar; Thurley, S., Whitehall Palace (Yale, 1999), pp. 30–31.Google Scholar

7 For Whitehall see PRO, E351/3255, E351/3268, E351/3270, and Schofield, Bertram (ed.), The Knyvett Letters (1620–1644) (London, 1949), p. 56 Google Scholar; for Colvin, Greenwich H. M. (ed.), The History of The King’s Works, 5 vols (1963–82), IV, pp. 116–18Google Scholar and Birch, T. (ed.), The Court and Times of Charles I, 2 vols (London, 1848), II, p. 400.Google Scholar The accounts are in PRO, E351/3240 (1603–04), E351/3257, E351/3258. Other works to the Greenwich chapel in James’s reign include in 1604–05 doors being made for the Dean’s pew decorated with scallop shells (PRO, E351/3241) and in 1607–09 raising all the seats in the chapel higher (PRO, E351/3243).

8 PRO, E351/3253,E351/3254.

9 Davies, Julian, The Caroline Captivity of the Church: Charles I and the Remoulding of Anglicanism 1625–1641 (Oxford, 1992), p. 20 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McCullough, Peter, Sermons at Court, pp. 33–35.Google Scholar

10 Masson, David (ed.), Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, x (1613–16), pp. 593–94Google Scholar; Nichols, John, Progresses of James 1, III (London, 1828), pp. 229–30Google Scholar; Spiers, W. L., “The Note Book and Account Book of Nicholas Stone’, Walpole Society, 7 (1919), pp. 43,136Google Scholar; Imrie, John and Dunbar, John G., Accounts of the Masters of Works for Building and Repairing Royal Palaces and Castles, II, 1616–1649 (Edinburgh, 1982), pp. xx–xxi, lxxxvi–lxxxvii, 441Google Scholar; Rogers, C., History of the Chapel Royal in Scotland (Grampian Club, Edinburgh, 1882), pp. cxxii–cxxvi Google Scholar; Laing, D. (ed.), Row, J., History of the Kirk of Scotland, 2 vols (Woodrow Society, 1842), I, p. 113.Google Scholar The chapel before its beautification in 1617 is described in a manuscript of 1583 printed in Rogers, C., History of the Chapel Royal, pp. xciv–xcv.Google Scholar For the Scottish context of James’s work see McCullough, Peter, Sermons at Court, pp. 27–29 Google Scholar.

11 Nicholas Cranfield has pointed out to me that before the appointment of Andrewes it could be argued that James was already engaged in beautification at Windsor where in January 1613 Anthony Maxey, the Dean, ordered that ‘the gate before the communion table should be enlarged: And that the whole space between the Organs and the pillars over the Knight’s stalls should be coloured blue and be sett with starres gilded’ (Windsor Chapter Acts VI.B.2, fol. 3or). St George’s Chapel was not, of course, a chapel royal.

12 BL, Add. MS 34,324 fols 215r-216r.

13 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), History of the King’s Works, IV, pp. 248–49Google Scholar; Summerson, John (revised and with a foreword by SirColvin, Howard), Inigo Jones (Yale, 2000), pp. 54–58 Google Scholar; Harris, J. and Higgott, G., Inigo Jones: Complete Architectural Drawings (Royal Academy of Arts, 1989), pp. 182–85Google Scholar.

14 For a discussion on the meaning of the term ‘beauty of holiness’ see Merritt, J. F., ‘Puritans, Laudians and the Phenomenon of Church Building in Jacobean England’, Historical Journal, 41 (4) (1988), pp. 954–57Google Scholar, and Lake, P., “The Laudian Style; Order, Uniformity, and the pursuit of the beauty of holiness in the 1630s’, The Early Stuart Church 1603–42, ed. Fincham, K. (London, 1993), pp. 161–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Sharpe, Kevin, The Personal Rule, pp. 280–84Google Scholar; Fuller, M., The Life of Bishop Davenant 1592–164 (London, 1897), p. 305 Google Scholar; Bliss, J. and Scott, W. (eds), The Works of William Laud, 7 vols (Oxford, 1847–60), III, p. 197 Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Venetian 1636–7, p. 125.

16 Ashbee, A. and Harley, J., The Cheque Books, I, pp. 113–15,118-20.Google Scholar

17 PRC E351/3269.

18 PRO, AO1/2481, PRO, E351/3419; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, CCCXXVI (1635–36), p. 442.

19 Sharpe, Kevin, The Personal Rule, pp. 778–81Google Scholar; Laing, D. (ed.), Row, J., History of the Kirk of Scotland, p. 362 (bearing in mind that Row is writing a Presbyterian critique of James’s policies). Howard, Deborah, The Architectural History of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1995), pp. 42–43 Google Scholar; Puttfarken, Thomas et al, Falkland Palace and Royal Burgh (National Trust for Scotland, 2000), p. 19 Google Scholar; Imrie, John and Dunbar, John G., Accounts of the Masters of Works, pp. lxxxviii–lxxxix Google Scholar; Rogers, C., History of the Chapel Royal, pp. clxxvi–clxxvii.Google Scholar

20 Ashbee, A. and Harley, J., The Cheque Books, I, p. 153 (the Order of the Funeral of King JamesGoogle Scholar).

21 Wren, Christopher, Parentalia or Memoirs of the Family of the Wrens (London, 1750), pp. 15–16.Google Scholar Andrew Barclay pointed out to me the fact that as Queen Elizabeth received communion alone there was no sense in the table being symbolically set in front of the east end in the Calvinist fashion. The ‘altar-wise’ positioning of the table in the Elizabethan Chapel Royal was therefore part of the theatre of power as much as anything else.

22 Prynne, William, Canturburies Doome or The First Part of a Compleat History of the Commitment, Charge, Tryall, Condemnation, Execution of William Laud (London, 1646), pp. 67–68,487.Google Scholar

23 Davies, Julian, The Caroline Captivity of the Church, p. 20.Google Scholar

24 Willis, Robert and Clark, John Willis, The Architectural History of the University of Cambridge, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1886), I, pp. 40–46 Google Scholar; Hoffman, John G., ‘The Puritan Revolution and the “Beauty of Holiness” at Cambridge: The Case of John Cosin, Master of Peterhouse and Vice Chancellor of the University’, Cambridge Antiquarian Society, LXXII (1984), pp. 95–103.Google Scholar

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26 PRO, E351/3260.

27 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, IV, pp. 264–66Google Scholar; Summerson, John, with a foreword by SirColvin, Howard, Inigo Jones (Yale, 2000), pp. 67–71 Google Scholar; Harris, J. and Higgott, G., Complete Drawings, pp. 193–206 Google Scholar; Ware, I., Designs of Inigo Jones (London, 1743), Fig. 30Google Scholar; Higgott, Gordon, ‘Inigo Jones’s Theory of Design’, Architectural History, 35 (1992), PP. 69–70 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Birch, T., The Court and Times of Charles I, pp. 311–14Google Scholar; Whinney, M., Sculpture in Britain 1530–1830 (Harmondsworth, 1964), pp. 37–38.Google Scholar

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30 Lindley, K. J., ‘London and Popular Freedom in the 1640s’, Freedom and the English Revolution. Essays in History and Literature, ed. Richardson, R. C. and Ridden, G. M. (Anchester, 1986), pp. 125–27.Google Scholar

31 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles I, CCCCIII, p. 174 Google Scholar; Lindley, K., “The Lay Catholics of England in the Reign of Charles I’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXII (3) (1971), pp. 199–206.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Lindley, K., ‘Lay Catholics’, pp. 74–79.Google Scholar

33 Journals of the House of Commons, III (1642–44), pp. 57, 63Google Scholar; Firth, C. H. and Rait, R. R. (eds), Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1642–1660 (London, 1911), pp. 265–66Google Scholar; Lindley, K., Popular Politics and Religion in Civil War London (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 256–60.Google Scholar

34 Ashmole, E., The Institutions Laws Ceremonies of the Most Noble Order of the Garter (London, 1662), pp. 496–97Google Scholar; Journals of the House of Commons, III, pp. 347–48Google Scholar; Journals of the House of Lords, V (1642–43), pp. 30a, b.Google Scholar

35 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, III, pp. 133–34, 161.Google Scholar

36 Journals of the House of Lords, VI (1643–44), P. 215a.Google Scholar

37 Journals of the House of Commons, III (1642–44), p. 260 Google Scholar; Tighe, R. R. and Davis, J. E., Annals of Windsor, 2 vols (London, 1858), II, pp. 181–83, 235Google Scholar; Mercurius Aulicus, 7 September 1643.

38 Journals of the House of Commons, III, pp. 422,425.Google Scholar

39 Proceedings of the House of Commons in BL, Add. MS 31, 116, fols 32V, 38V; ‘The Memoirs of Father Cyprien de Gamache’, translated and printed in Birch, T., The Court and Times of Charles I, II, pp. 352, 429Google Scholar; The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencier, 28 March–4 April 1643; Certaine Informations, 27 March–3 April 1643; Loomie, Albert J., “The Destruction of Rubens’s “Crucifixion” in the Queen’s Chapel, Somerset House’, Burlington Magazine, CXL (no. 1147) (October 1999), p. 682.Google Scholar It should be noted that two years earlier in 1642 the organ and fittings of the royal chapel at Holyroodhouse were dismantled, in Imrie, J. and Dunbar, J. (eds), Accounts of the Masters of Works, p. xc.Google Scholar

40 Journals of the House of Commons, III (1642–44), pp. 410–63Google Scholar; Historic Manuscripts Commission, Portland, III (1894), p. 132 Google Scholar; Journals of the House of Commons, V (1646–48), p. 77.Google Scholar

41 Historic Manuscripts Commission, Portland, III (1894), p. 133.Google Scholar

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43 Certaine Informations, 3–10 April 1643.

44 Journals of the House of Commons, IV (1644–46), p. 597 Google Scholar; Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson, Written by his Widow Lucy (London, 1846), pp. 305–06Google Scholar; Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 7^th Report (1879), p. 594b; de Beer, E. S. (ed.), The Diary of John Evelyn, 6 vols (Oxford, 1955), II, p. 537 Google Scholar; Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe Wife of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Fanshawe, Bart. (London, 1829), pp. 66–68.Google Scholar

45 Carlton, Charles, Charles I, The Personal Monarch (London, 1983), pp. 317–18.Google Scholar

46 Journal of the House of Commons, V (1646–48), p. 440 Google Scholar; PRO, AO1/2431/79.

47 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, III (1649–50), p. 401.Google Scholar

48 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, III (1649–50), pp. 373, 412, 414, 447Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic (1651–52), p. 9; PRO, SP25/63 331.

49 Bachrach, A. G. H. and Collmer, R. G. (trans, and eds), Lodewijck Hugens, The English Journal, 1651–1652 (Leiden, 1982), pp. 42–43 Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Commonwealth, XV (1651), p. 280.Google Scholar

50 Gardiner, S. R., History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, 4 vols (Moreton-in-Marsh, 1987), II, p. 95 Google Scholar; the three sermons were kindly pointed out to me by Sean Kelsey. See The Moderate, 16–23 January 1649 (BL, E539(7)); Wedgwood, Veronica, The Trial of Charles I (London, 1967), pp. 152–53.Google Scholar

51 Journals of the House of Commons, IV (1644–46), p. 477.Google Scholar

52 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, II (1649–50), pp. 228,303Google Scholar; Bachrach, A. G. H. and Collmer, R. G., The English Journal, p. 60.Google Scholar

53 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, XI (1650), p. 418 Google Scholar; XVI (1651), pp. 468, 469; XI (1650) p. 418; XVI (1651), pp. 468,469.

54 Mowl, Timothy and Earnshaw, Brian, Architecture Without Kings. The Rise of Puritan Classicism under Cromwell (Manchester, 1995), p. 17 Google Scholar; Victoria County History, Wiltshire, XII (Oxford, 1983), p. 49 Google Scholar. Annabel Ricketts pointed out to me that the church at Steane in Northamptonshire is an equally good but lesser known example.

55 Newman, J., ‘Laudian Literature’, p. 175.Google Scholar

56 Journals of the House of Commons, VII, p. 404.Google Scholar

57 Calendar of Venetian State Papers, XXXI (1657–59), no. 5 (pp. 8–9).Google Scholar

58 The Weekly Intelligencer of the Commonwealth, no. 223, p. 179. They moved in on 14 April.

59 PRO, SP25/75, fol. 181.

60 Calendar of State Papers Venetian, XXXI (1657–59), p. 8.Google Scholar

61 Printed in Law, E., A History of Hampton Court Palace, 3 vols (London, 1890–91), p. 303.Google Scholar

62 Briggs, E. R., ‘Reflections Upon the First Century of the Huguenot Churches in England’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of England, 23 (1977–82), pp. 114–15Google Scholar; Robin D. Gwyn, “The French Churches in England in the 1640s and 1650s’, ibid., pp. 258–59; E. R. Briggs, ‘The London French Churches 1640–1660: a Reply to Dr. Gwyn’, ibid., p. 417; Briggs, E. R. (ed.), ‘A Calendar of the Letter Books of the French Church of London from the Civil War to the Restoration’, Huguenot Society of London Quarto Series, LIV (1979), pp. 12, 17Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, CLIV (1656–57), p. 331 Google Scholar; d’Espagne, John, An Essay of The Wonders of God, in the Harmony of the Times that Preceded Christ, and how they meet him; Written in French, and now published in English by his executor [Browne, Henry] (London, 1662), third unpaginated page.Google Scholar

63 d’Espagne, John, The Wonders of God; Fox, George, A Journal (London, 1694), p. 199.Google Scholar N.b. Due to a printing error there are two p. 199s. Calendar of State Papers Domestic, XXXVI (1652–53), p. 343 Google Scholar; XXXVIII, pp. 50–51.

64 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, XXXIII (1652–53), p. 138 Google Scholar; Journals of the House of Commons, VII (1651–59), p. 791 Google Scholar; Firth, C. H. (ed.), The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, 2 vols (Oxford, 1894), II, p. 102.Google Scholar

65 Davis, J. C., ‘Cromwell’s Religion’, Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution, ed. Morrill, John (London, 1990), pp. 181–208 Google Scholar; Davies, Horton, Worship and Theology in England, II. From Andrewes to Baxter and Fox 1603–1690 (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), pp. 127–8.Google Scholar

66 Calendar of State Papers Venetian, XXX (1655–56), p. 109.Google Scholar

67 Calendar of State Papers Venetian, XXX (1655–56), no. 187.Google Scholar

68 Sherwood, Roy, Oliver Cromwell, King In All But Name, 1653–1658 (Stroud, 1997), pp. 108–19.Google Scholar

69 Calendar of State Papers Venetian, XXIX (1653–54), No. 109Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Venetian, XXX (1655–56), No. 144Google Scholar; Knoppers, Laura Lunger, Constructing Cromwell. Ceremony, Portrait and Print 1645–1661 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 219 Google Scholar, quoting Aberdeen University Library ms 2538/1 fol. 34r. Fraser’s account is quoted at length in Raymond, Joad, ‘An Eye-Witness to King Cromwell’, History Today, 47 (1997), pp. 35–41.Google Scholar

70 The Protectorial court has aroused much attention recently. Neither of the newest books, however, have succeeded in placing the Protector’s chapel into the wider context of his household and rule: Kelsey, Sean, Inventing a Republic. The Political Culture of the English Commonwealth, 1649–1653 (Manchester, 1997)Google Scholar; Laura Lunger Knoppers, Constructing Cromwell.

71 The Parliamentary Intelligencer, 23 (Monday 28 May to Monday 4 June 1660). For the geography of Whitehall in 1660 see Thurley, S., Whitehall Palace (Yale, 2000), pp. 99–126.Google Scholar

72 Charles’s religious policy 1660–63 is discussed in Green, I. M., The Re-establishment of the Church of England 1660–1663 (Oxford, 1978), pp. 3–36.Google Scholar

73 Miller, John, Charles II (London, 1991), p. 3 Google Scholar; Hurton, Ronald, Charles II King of England Scotland and Ireland (Oxford, 1989), pp. 455–57Google Scholar; Hutton, Ronald, ‘The Religion of Charles II’, The Stuart Court in Europe. Essays in Politics and Political Culture, Malcolm Smutts, R. (ed.) (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 228–46.Google Scholar

74 PRO, Work 5/1, fol. 17V, 44; BL, Add. MS 10116, fol. 103; PRO, Work 5/2, fol. 54V; Latham, R. and Matthews, W. (eds), The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 10 vols (London, 1970–83), I, p. 195 Google Scholar; PRO, LC 5/137, p. 217; PRO, SP 29/61, No. 84; PRO, LC5/137, p. 292; PRO, Work 5/5, pp. 43, 53, 54.

75 PRO, Work 5/3, fols 304r 305r 312v, 313v, 324r.

76 PRO, Work 5/3, fols 333V, 334V, 328V, 322V, 324r 329V; PRO, LC5/60, pp. 267, 375; PRO, LC5/61, p. 66.

77 Baldwin, D., The Chapel Royal, pp. 190–96.Google Scholar

78 BL, Stowe MSS 562, fols 7r-8r.

79 Birch, T., The Court and Times of Charles I, p. 429 Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles II, XVI (1660–61), p. 277 Google Scholar; PRO, Work 5/1, fols 364, 372. As some of the original fittings were taken to store it is just possible that the pulpit was the original one being returned.

80 PRO, LR6/190,191; the main headings are printed in Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, V, p. 255.Google Scholar

81 Mercurius Politicus Redivivus, A Collection of the Most Material Occurances and Transactions in Publick Affaires since Anno Dom 1659 untill the 28 March 1672, by Thomas Rugg, BL, Add. MS 10116, fol. 325V; Latham, R. and Matthews, W. (eds), Pepys, V, p. 63.Google Scholar

82 Birch, T., The Court and Times of Charles I, p. 431 Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles II, LXII, p. 451 Google Scholar; LXVIII, p. 64; CCXVI, p. 457.

83 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles II, CCLXVI, p. 511 Google Scholar; CCLXVIII, p. 597.

84 PRO, Work 5/17, fols 208v, 246V.

85 PRO, Work 5/9, fol. 421.

86 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, V, p. 256 Google Scholar. Also see Bold, J., John Webb. Architectural Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1990), pp. 106–07.Google Scholar

87 Webb, however, tends to break the pediments. The adoption of an unbroken pediment at Somerset House may be further evidence of the influence of French engraving as discussed below.

88 On bed alcoves see Keay, Anna and Thurley, Simon, ‘Charles II, Louis XIV and the Stuart Royal Bedchamber’ (forthcoming); Pierretz, D. A., Livre d’Autels et D’Epitaphes (Paris c. 1643), Pl. 4.Google Scholar I am very grateful to John Harris for pointing this out to me. Harris, J, ‘Inigo Jones and his French Sources’, Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, XIX (May 1961), pp. 253–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Parisian Counter-Reformation altarpieces generally see de Montclos, Jean Marie Pérouse, Historie De L’Architecture Franҫaise. De la Renaissance à la Revolution (Paris, 1989), pp. 191–94Google Scholar; Hautcoeur, L., Histoire de L’Architecture Classique en Prance, 9 vols (Paris 1948), II, pp. 802–16.Google Scholar

89 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, V, pp. 244–54Google Scholar; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles II (1679–80), p. 409; (1680) p. 117.

90 In 1667 the chapel had been hung with tapestry for the meeting of the Order of the Garter. PRO, Work 5/10, pp. 20, 22; The London Gazette, No. 150,14 Apri; PRO, Work 5/23, p. 71.

91 PRO, Work 5/25, pp. 52, 58–60,105; PRO, LC5/201, p. 53.1 am very grateful to Anna Keay for this latter reference.

92 Ashbee, and Harley, (eds), The Cheque Books, II, pp. 278–83Google Scholar. Although the document is not dated it appears chronologically at 1675.

93 Thurley, S., Whitehall Palace, pp. 116–18.Google Scholar

94 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, V, pp. 315–30Google Scholar; Tighe, Robert Richard and Davis, James Edward, Annals of Windsor (London, 1888), pp. 387–408 Google Scholar; from contemporary newspapers the dates of the arrival of the court are 1 May 1680, 28 April 1681, 20 April 1682,14 April 1683, 5 April 1684.

95 Croft-Murray, Edward, ‘Decorative Painting in England 1537–1837’, Country Life (1962), p. 44, fig. 89Google Scholar; de Beer, E. S. (ed.), Evelyn, III, pp. 385–86.Google Scholar

96 Croft-Murray, Edward, Decorative Painting, pp. 50–55 Google Scholar; de Beer, E. S. (ed.), Evelyn, IV, p. 316.Google Scholar

97 PRO, LC5/66, fols 26r, 43r, 44r-v, 45r-v, 67r. I am grateful to Anna Keay who provided me with transcriptions of these. Ashbee, A. and Harley, J., The Cheque Books, II, p. 283.Google Scholar

98 Klein, Nancy, “The Duchess of Portsmouth: English Royal Consort and French Politician 1670–85’, op. cit., ed. Smutts, R. Malcom, pp. 247–73Google Scholar; Colvin, H. M. (ed.), King’s Works, V, pp. 277–79, 308, 321Google Scholar; Thurley, S., Whitehall Palace, p. 125.Google Scholar

99 Harris, Tim, London Crowds in the Reign of Charles II: Propaganda and Politics from the Restoration until the Exclusion Crisis (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 82–89,108,157,174,186.Google Scholar

100 Thurley, S., ‘A Country Seat fit for a King: Charles II, Greenwich and Winchester’, The Stuart Courts, ed. Cruikshanks, E. (Stroud, 2000), pp. 226–32Google Scholar; Thurley, S., Whitehall Palace, p. 111 Google Scholar; S. Thurley, Hampton Court Palace; A Social and Architectural History down to 2000 (forthcoming). It should be noted that Charles planned two chapels at Winchester, a Roman Catholic one and an Anglican one. Sadly design work never progressed far enough to produce drawings for the interiors of these.