1 In 1895 an agreement between England, Russia and Afghanistan determined the final unsettled portion of Russia's southern boundary in the Pamirs.

2 Barthold, V. V., Istorija kulturnoj žizni Turkestana (Leningrad, 1927), p. 121 Google Scholar.

3 Shiism was proclaimed the state religion of Persia by the founder of the Sevifid dynasty, Shah Ismail (1486-1524).

4 Turks began their infiltration into Central Asia in the second half of the sixth century A.D., but the first migration en masse occurred around 1000 A.D. when the Seldjukids and Karakhanids moved into the region of the Syr and Amu Darias. During and after the Mongol invasion in the first half of the thirteenth century A.D., numerous Turkic tribes settled in Central Asia. The last Turkic migration into the region was that of the Uzbeks. Until the Russian revolution only the descendants of these last invaders, who preserved the tribal organization, were called Uzbeks. The Turkicized Iranians were called Sarts while the other Turkic groups retained their original tribal names. Since 1920 all these groups, including the Sarts, have come to be called Uzbeks.

5 In 1897 the oblasts of Semirečie and Transcaspia were also included in the General Governorship.

6 Položenie ob upravlenii Turkestanskogo kraja(Petersburg, 1892), articles 73 through 115 on local government, articles 210-59 on the Moslem kazi (judges). See also Schuyler, E., Turkestan (New York, 1876), pp. 160-65Google Scholar, on the early period of Russian administration in Central Asia.

7 See Zenkovsky, S., “A Century of Tatar Revival”, American Slavic and East European Review, XII (October, 1953), 303-04CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the early Russian policies toward the Moslems.

8 Barthold, V. V., op. cit., p. 336.Google Scholar

9 Political “pacification” was undertaken in the vassal khanates as well as in the Russian provinces. The power of the Emir of Bukhara was strengthened by-Russia when, for example, Russian troops entered the Khanate of Bukhara in 1870 to support the Emir against the local chieftains of Shahrisiab, Karshi and Kitab. Later Russian detachments assisted the Emir in suppressing revolts in Hissar, Kuliab, Baldjuan and Darvaz. In 1910 Russian troops were sent to Bukhara at the request of the Emir to put an end to riots in the capital. The khans of Khiva also preserved their throne with Russia's help when in 1873, 1877, 1912 and 1916 Russia assisted the khans in defending themselves against the Turkmenians.

10 Aini, S., Bukhara (Moscow, 1950), pp. 165-66Google Scholar. See also N. P. Ostroumov, “Madrasy v Turkestanskom kraje” (further abbreviated, “Madrasy”), Žurnal Ministerstva Narodnogo Prosvieščenija (further abbreviated ZMNP), Jan. 1907.pp. 1-59, and “Musulmanskaja vysšaja škola” (further abbrev. “Vys. škola“), ZMNP, Oct. 1906, p. 122.

11 Aziatskaja Rossija (Petersburg, 1911), I, p. 256. I. I. Gayer in Turkestan (Tashkent, 1909), p. 29, estimates that at the beginning of this century the number of students in Russian Central Asia was 67,000 in 4,757 mektebs and 8,025 in 267 medresses.

12 According to the census of 1897, the total population of Ferghana, Samarkand and Syr Daria oblasts was 3.9 million, of which 98 percent were Moslems. About 2 million were sedentary Uzbeks (including Sarts and minor tribes), 500,000 were sedentary Tadzhiks, and the rest were nomadic Kazakhs, Kirghiz and Turkmenians. At that time only 60,000 Russians were living in the General Governorship. Bolšaja ènciklopedija (Petersburg, 1906), Supp. Vol. IV, pp. 571, 727, 810.

13 “Sartovskoe khozjajstvo v Čikmentskom uezde Syr Dar. oblasti,” Materialy po izučeniju khozjajstva osedlogo naselenija v Turkestanskom krae (Petersburg,1912), pp. 61-62.

14 Rakhimbaev, A. P., Tadžikistan (Moscow, 1926), p. 11; Iljutko, F., Basmačestvo v lokae (Moscow, Leningrad, 1929), p. 36 Google Scholar.

15 Barthold, V. V., op. cit., p. 142 Google Scholar.

16 Cf. Khanykov, N. V., Bokhara: Its Amir and Its People (London, 1845), pp. 276-78Google Scholar; Aini, S., op. cit., pp. 161-70Google Scholar; and Ostroumov, N. P., “Vys. škola,” op. cit. pp. 115-32Google Scholar.

17 Khanykov, N. V., op. cit., p. 271 Google Scholar; Cf. Polovtsoff, A., The Land of Timur (London, 1932), p. 97 Google Scholar.

18 Umnjakov, I. I., “K istorii novometodnoj školy v Bukhare,” Bjulleten Sredne-Aziatskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta (Tashkent, 1927), XVI, 83.Google Scholar Comment on the inefficiency of education in the mektebs can be found throughout the entire literature on Central Asia from Khanykov (1840) to Aini (1950). See Khanykov, N. V., op. cit., pp. 276-94Google Scholar; Vambery, A., Travel in Central Asia (New York, 1895)Google Scholar; Vambery, A., History of Bukhara (London, 1873), p. 302 Google Scholar; Schuyler, E., op. cit. p. 176 Google Scholar; Polovtsoff, A., op. cit. pp. 97–98 Google Scholar; Aini, S., op. cit., pp. 163-65Google Scholar.

19 Ostroumov, N. P., “Musulmanskie maktaby i Russko-Tuzemnye školy v Turkestanskom krae” (further abbreviated as “Maktaby”), ZMNP, Feb. 1906, p. 140 Google Scholar; Bajsamynov, , “Maktaby v Kirgiz-Syr-Dar. oblasti,” ZMNP, Feb. 1906, pp. 159-62Google Scholar; Atabaev, M., “Maktaby v Turkmen.-Zakaspijskoj oblasti,” ZMNP, Feb. 1906, p. 165.Google Scholar

20 The famous Cannon of Medicine by Avicenna (Ibn Sina) was considered even in Western Europe as the classic textbook in its field up to the end of the seventeenth century, and is still used in the Near East as a handbook on medical science.

21 Khanykov, N. V., op. cit. p. 293 Google Scholar; Ostroumov, N. P., “Vys. skola,”, op. cit. p. 122 Google Scholar.

22 See Vambery, A., History of Bukhara, op. cit., pp. 346-63Google Scholar; Barthold, V. V., “Bukhara,” in Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, 1913), I, 782 Google Scholar; Gafurov, B., Istorija Tadžkskogo naroda (Moscow, 1949), pp. 302-5Google Scholar.

23 Instrukcija staršim muddarissam tuzemnykh madras Turkestanskogo kraja, Art. 1, 3, 4, 8, 20, 24, 25 in Ostroumov, N. P., “Madrasy,” op. cit. pp. 39–48 Google Scholar;Cf. Turkestanskaja tuzemnaja gazeta, No. 15, 1894.

24 See ZMNP, Feb. 1908, p. 34.

25 N. P. Ostroumov wrote at that time, “The Mektebs do not ruin the family tradition…. The pupils recognize the authority of the teachers, … are modest and respectful.” See Ostroumov, N. P., “Maktaby,” op. cit. p. 140 Google Scholar. Later, he wrote, “Our government should improve the organization of these schools and bring into them the elements of modern knowledge. For this purpose it is necessary to evaluate without bias their ancient academic system, which is not at all meaningless, as many people think.” Ostroumov, Likewise, V. Nalivkin wrote, “I consider that even for our own interest and for the sake of our educational duty, we should reform at least the best of these schools.” Nalivkin, V., Svedenija o sostojanii tuzemnykh madrass v Syr-Daria oblasti (Tashkent, 1916), p. 92 Google Scholar.

26 Ostroumov, N. P., “Maktaby,” op cit. p. 143 Google Scholar.

27 Barthold, V. V., “Istorija kukurnoj žizni Turkestana,” op. cit., p. 125 Google Scholar; Massalskij, N., “Turkestanskij kraj,” in geographical series Rossija, ed. by Tjanšanskij, A. Semenov (Moscow, 1910), p. 338 Google Scholar.

28 See Lesnaja, N., Vosstanie 1916 goda v Kirgizii (Moscow, 1937), p. 137 Google Scholar; Alektorov, A. E., “Očerki iz razvitija inorodčeskogo obrazovanija v Rossii,” ZMNP, June 1904, pp. 27–46 Google Scholar; Mironov, N., “Očerk o Russko-Kirgizskikh školakh Uralskoj oblasti,” ZMNP, Aug. 1910, p. 177.Google Scholar

29 Barthold, V. V., op. cit. pp.124-25Google Scholar. In 1915 this percentage was even lower, according to the report of the acting Governor General. In the high schools for boys there were only 91 natives out of a total of 4,246 students, and in those for girls 98 of a total enrollment of 9,567 were natives. (Archives of the Uzbek S.S.R., #4376, as quoted by K. P. Novickij, “Politika carskogo pravitel'stva v oblasti narodnogo prosvieščenija v Centralnoj Azii,” Prosveščenie Nacionalnostej, No. 6 [Nov./Dec. 1924], p. 92.

30 Gayer, I.I., op. cit., p. 29 Google Scholar; Cf. Novickij, K. P., op. cit., pp. 19–23 Google Scholar.

31 In 1892, for instance, the Governor General recommended that natives with a knowledge of Russian, and particularly graduates of the Russian or “bilingual” schools, be appointed to positions of interpreter, local administrator, and judge (kazi). See Okrajna (Samarkand), March 9, 1892.

32 Ostroumov, N. P., Sarty, 3rd ed. (Tashkent, 1909), p. 180.Google Scholar See also instructions to the electors from the Syr Daria oblast of March 2, 1907, and the petition to Count Pahlen of 1909, in E. Fedorov, Očerki nacionalno-osvoboditelnogo dviženija v Srednej Azii (further abbreviated as Očerki) (Tashkent, 1925), p. 80.

33 Barthold, V. V., op. cit. p. 134 Google Scholar; Aziatskaja Rossija, op. cit., p. 257.

34 Report of N. Bobrovnikov to Gov. Gen. A. Samsonov on Jan. 1, 1903 (Archives of the Uzbek S.S.R., #2056, p. 19, as quoted by K. P. Novickij, op. cit., p. 24.)

35 From 1888 to 1916 the cotton fields in Russian Central Asia increased from 68,000 to 533,000 desjatines (one desjatine equals approximately two acres). In these twenty-eight years cotton production grew by 750 percent. In six years, 1910-16, it increased more than 50 percent—from 9.3 million puds to 14 million puds. In the Khanate of Bukhara the area of cotton fields amounted to 110,000 desjatines by 1916, and 60,000 in the Khanate of Khiva.

Cotton export also increased in both khanates in the years 1911-14, from 1.6 to 4.4 million puds, or 225 percent. The over-all expansion of trade corresponded to that of agriculture, and in 1914 Russian Central Asia exported to European Russia and abroad products totaling 301 million rubles while its imports amounted to 271 million rubles. The intensity of Central Asian import and export per capita and per square kilometer surpassed by four times that of the average for the whole Russian empire. In 1914 Russia's external trade amounted to 15.2 rubles per capita and 98 rubles per square kilometer, while for Central Asia the corresponding data were 71.5 rubles and 390 rubles. Toward the end of the nineteenth century cotton ginneries had appeared even in Bukhara, where the economy also developed rapidly. By 1913 there were 26 ginneries in the khanate. In the city of Bukhara by 1916 there were six branch offices of Russian banks which in turn extended a network of agencies throughout the provincial cities. Vsja Srednjaja Azija (Tashkent, 1926), p. 73; Iskander, “Podgatovka Angliej Bukharskogo placdarma dlja intervencii v Sovetskij Turkestan, 1918-1920,” Istoričeskle zapiski (Moscow, 1951), XXXVI, 32; Istorija narodov Uzbekistana (Moscow, Tashkent, 1948), II, 273 (further abbreviated, INU).

36 Antologija Tadžikskoj poezii(Moscow, 1951), pp. 18-19, 478-79; Gafurov, B.,op. cit., pp. 430-34Google Scholar.

37 A. M. Donish, History of the Mangit Khans, as quoted by Gafurov, B., op. cit., p. 432 Google Scholar; see also Aini, S., op. cit., pp. 204-14.Google Scholar

38 Antalogija Tadž. poezii, op. cit., p. 481; Gafurov, B., op. cit., pp. 433-34.Google Scholar

39 Umnjakov, I. I., op. cit., p. 82.Google Scholar

40 See Gasparinskij, I., Russkoe musulmanswo (Bakhčisaraj, 1881)Google Scholar; Kirimal, E., Der Nationale Kampf der Krimtürken (Emstedten, 1952), pp. 9–12 Google Scholar; Seydamet, C., Gaspirali Ismail Bey (Istambul, 1924)Google Scholar; Zenkovsky, S., op. cit. pp. 313-16Google Scholar.

41 Jarcek, “Munevver Kari, Patriot and Reformer,” Millij Turkistan, Dec.1951/2, No. 7.

42 Strikes and disturbances in Central Asia in 1905 were entirely the work of Russian railway workers and soldiers. Despite the apprehension of the Government that revolutionary activity would spread to the native population, the latter proved their firm loyalty to the Government in those troubled times. Count S. J. Witte, fearing expanded agitation in the General Governorship, telegraphed to Governor General Sakharov on September 25, 1905, “I advise introducing martial law in the region under your administration to combat the strikes, for otherwise we will lose prestige among the native population and make possible its revolt.” General Sakharov responded to Witte's telegram optimistically: “I cannot understand what kind of information the Count has on Turkestan. The natives are perfectly quiet and behave most correctly.” Archives of the Turkestan Governor General, No. 18, pp. 148, 150, as quoted by E. Fedorov, 1905 god i ikorennoe naselenie Srednej Azii (Moscow, 1926), p. 16 (further abbreviated, 1905 god). Later, in 1906, the governor of Ferghana, Pokotillo, also reported that “among the usually violent population of Ferghana reigned peace and quiet.“ Fedorov, E., Očerki, p. 22.Google Scholar

43 See reports of the chief of police in Tashkent, N. Karaulšč;ikov, from Jan. 19, 1906, and of the imperial diplomatic agent in Bukhara, Mr. Ross, from July 27, 1906, in E. Fedorov, Očerki, p. 22; see also Fedorov, E., 1905 god, p. 15 Google Scholar, and 1NU, II, 390.

44 The Turkic name for proponents of the “new method” is Djadidchi (from the Arabic Djadid usul, meaning “new method“), and for proponents of the “old method,” Kadimchi (from the Arabic Kadim usul, meaning “old method”). The usual Russian terminology is “Djadids” and “Kadimists.”.

45 There were, for example, over thirty native bookstores catering to the liberal customers in the city of Kokand. INU, II, 390 and 413.

46 Barthold, V. V., op. cit., p. 372 Google Scholar; Fedorov, E., Očerki, p. 24 Google Scholar.

47 The Third Congress of Moslems in Russia, held August 16-21, 1906, recommended use of Ottoman Turkish as the common literary language in all the Moslem schools of Russia, disregarding the teaching of Russian. This attempt was unsuccessful because of the advanced differentiation of the Turkic languages, but was significant inasmuch as it reflected the ambitions of the Tatar liberals, who were in control of the Congress. See Alektorov, A., “Novye tečenija v Žizni musulmanskikh škol,” ZMNP, April 1909, pp. 195-97Google Scholar, and Ibragimov, G., Tatary v revolucii 190$ goda (Kazan, 1926), pp. 162-76Google Scholar.

48 Fedorov, E., Očerki, pp. 44–45 Google Scholar; Ostroumov, N., “Madrasy,” op. cit., p. 19 Google Scholar.

49 Archives of the Tadzhik S.S.R., Act #5, as quoted by Novickij, K. P., op. cit., p. 82 Google Scholar.

50 Ibragimov, G., op. cit., pp. 225-26Google Scholar.

51 Ostroumov, N. P., “Madrasy,” op. cit., p. 17.Google Scholar

52 Cf. Gayer, I. I., op. cit., p. 29 Google Scholar, and INU, II, 314.

53 The regime in Bukhara had not changed since the early nineteenth century when N. V. Khanykov wrote that “the administration is in the hands of the clergy and it cannot be otherwise as there exists no other law but the spiritual— namely, that which is founded on the Koran.” Khanykov, N. V., op. cit., p. 265 Google Scholar.

54 Umnjakov, I. I, op. cit., p. 83 Google Scholar.

55 Fedorov, E., Očerki, p. 27.Google Scholar S. Aini composed for this school the first Tadzhik textbook. See S.|Aini, Dokhunda (Moscow, 1933), p. iv Google Scholar.

56 INU, II, 413; Gafurov, B., op. cit., p. 455 Google Scholar; Fedorov, E., Očerki, pp. 28–29 Google Scholar.

57 Logofet, D. N., V strane bezpravija (Petersburg, 1909)Google Scholar.

58 The state treasury was identical with the privy purse of the Emir, and of the 30 million rubles comprising the state income, 27 million were spent for the monarch and his court. Only in 1917 did the Emir promise to create a separate state treasury, although it never materialized. Civil servants were not paid by the state but lived by extortion, “private taxes,” and graft. The courts and prisons were worse than in the Middle Ages and although slavery had long been abolished the condition of the former slaves had not altered substantially. See Aini, S., Raby (Moscow, 1951), pp. 129-72Google Scholar; Gafurov, B., op. cit., p. 441 Google Scholar. Cf. Schuyler, E., Turkistan (New York, 1876), II, 100-09, 354 Google Scholar.

59 Tardjuman, No. 27 (June, 1909); Cf. Fedorov, E., Očerki, pp. 27–29 Google Scholar.

60 Ibid., pp. 29-30.

61 As early as 1909 two special commissions were created to study Bukhara with a view to its annexation, and P. A. Stolypin, Russian prime minister, strongly supported abolishing the regime of the emir. See Gafurov, B., op. cit., p. 445 Google Scholar, and Georatskij, G. G., Revoljucija pobeždaet (Tashkent, 1920), p. 4 Google Scholar.

62 Umnjakov, I. I., op. cit., p. 92 Google Scholar; INU, II, p. 413.

63 Aini, S., Dokhunda, op. cit., p. iv Google Scholar; Cf. Kommunist Tadžikistana, April 4 and 26, 1953.

64 F. Khodzaev, “Dzadidy,” Očerki revoljucionnogo dviženija v Srednej Azii (Moscow, 1937), p. 11.

65 A. Fitrat, Munizha, translated into Russian by Col. Jagello under the title Fitrat Bukharec, spor Bukharskago mudarrisa s Evropejcem v Indii o novometodnykh školakh (Tashkent, 1911). See also Erturk, M. H., “Abdul Rauf Fitrat,” Millij Turkestan, No. 80/81, 1952, p. 9 Google Scholar.

66 Fitrat, A., Rasskazy indijskogo putešestvennika (Samarkand, 1913).Google Scholar

67 Samojlovič, A. M., “Pervoe tajnoe obščestvo Mlado-Bukharcev,” Vostok (Leningrad, 1922), No. 1, p. 98 Google Scholar.

68 Heyd, U., The Foundations of Turkish Nationalism (London, 1950), pp. 17–31 Google Scholar.

69 Umnjakov, I. I., op. cit., p. 94 Google Scholar.

70 M. N., “Pod znakom Islama,” Novyj vostok (Moscow, 1924), p. 87; Samojlovič, A. M., op. cit., p. 99 Google Scholar.

71 Samojlovič, A. M., op. cit., p. 98 Google Scholar.