1 Serbia had obtained autonomy from the Sultan in the treaty of Adrianople in 1829, but it was not until 1878 and the treaty of Berlin that she received complete independence.

2 Temperley, Harold W. V., History of Serbia (London, 1917), p. 262 Google Scholar.

3 Prodanovič, Jaša M., Ustavni razvitak i ustavne borbe u Srbiji, IV-VI, srpski narod u XIX veku (Belgrade, 1936), 191 Google Scholar.

4 Živanović, Živan, Politička istorija Srbije u drugoj polovini devetnaestog veka, (Belgrade, 1924), II, 120-21Google Scholar.

5 Ibid., p. 122.

6 Jovanovic, S., Vlada Milana Obrenovica, Vol. II, 1878-1889 (Belgrade, 1927), p. 23Google Scholar.

7 These territories were allotted to Serbia by the Congress of Berlin in July.

8 Jovanović, Vlada Milana Obrenovića, II, 24.

9 This was a sum given to a minister to be used as he thought best. Since no accounting of the grant was demanded, corruption, it was argued, was encouraged.

10 The well-known Pašić cleverness, so well disguised that it was never obvious throughout his lifetime, was easily overlooked in the early days.

11 Austria-Hungary gained a tremendous advantage over her neighbor at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when she was permitted to occupy and administer Bosnia and Hercegovina and to send her army into the Sanjak of Novi Bazar, thus establishing herself along the southern and western borders of Serbia and driving a wedge between that country and Montenegro. These disasters convinced Milan that his position and that of his country were dangerously shaky; consequently, he was ready to accept the dictates of Vienna without a murmur. After 1878, the influence of the Austrian minister at Belgrade was unquestioned; he was consulted on every problem of importance. See Jovanovid. Vlada Milana Obrenovića, II, 352-56.

12 Ibid., p. 25.

13 One of the worst examples of this lack of restraint was displayed by the Belgrade papers in July of 1914. See the “Circular Decree,” July 25, Austrian Red Book (London, 1920), II, 48.

14 Živanović, Politička istorija Srbije, II, 161.

15 Jovanović, Vlada Milana Obrenovića, II, 45.

16 Živanović, Politicka istorija Srbije, II, 162-63.

17 Prodanović, Ustavni razvitak i ustavne borbe u Srbiji, pp. 266-75.

18 Ibid., pp. 269-70.

19 Ibid., p. 271.

20 The draft of the constitution supported by the Radicals fixed the regular meetings of the Great Skupstina every seven years. Ibid.

21 A militia of armed peasantry had been the only Serbian army until the reign of Prince Michael. His father Milo§ had always called his soldiers from the land. This provision for restoring the national army was Milan's chief quarrel with the Radicals. Ibid., p. 268.

22 Jaša M. Prodanović, “Radikalna Stranka,” Nova Evropa, XIII, (June 22, 1926), 386 .

23 Jovanović, Vlada Milam Obrenovića, II , 46.

24 Ibid.

25 V. Vukević, “Politicko Krivobostvo,” Nova Evropa, III (June 22, 1926), 399.

26 The murder of Prince Michael in 1868 was supposed to be the first step toward a revolution in favor of the Karadjordjevic’ family.

27 Baerlein, , The Birth of Yugoslavia, (London, 1922), I, 179 Google Scholar.

28 Milan assumed the title of King, in 1882.

29 An illustration of this is seen in the case of an enterprising Serbian who started to manufacture matches. Immediately their export into Austria was stopped and a drawback was allowed to Austrian manufacturers of matches by the Serbian government. E. Jenkins, “Young Serbia,” Contemporary Review, XLIV (September, 1883), 437-59.

30 E. Bontoux was the president of a French company which entered into an agreement with a Serbian official, Jos’ Ristic, to build a railroad from Belgrade to Vranja. The railroad was financed largely in France. The Serbian government awoke one day to find the railroad unfinished and its treasury indebted for a much larger sum than they had expected to pay. Bontoux, who was accused of dishonest manipulation of funds, was associated with two Vienna banks and had lived in Vienna for some time. Jovanovii, Vlada Milana Obrenovica, II, 90 ff.

31 Denis, E., La Grande Serbie (Paris, 1915), pp. 203-206Google Scholar.

32 When Ristić took the young prince to Livadia to visit the Russian Tsar, Hungarian politicians displayed alarm. However, the Liberal leader was not as great a russophil as he was thought to be at Budapest. It was merely his opinion that such a small country as Serbia ought not to attach itself to either Austria or Russia, but to remain balanced, as it were, between the two powers. Ristić's policy made both Austria and Russia unwilling to second Serbian demands at the Porte, and the Porte continued to leave them unfilled. The resulting strained relations led to the first Turkish war (1876). S. Jovanovic, “Serbia in the Early Seventies,” Slavonic Review, IV (December, 1925), 384-95.

33 Ischirkoff, A., La Macédoine et la Constitution de I'Exarchat Bulgare (Lausanne, 1918), pp. 29–33.Google Scholar

34 This agreement, later modified by the arrangements made at Berlin, was signed in March, 1878.

35 Goriainov, Sergei M., Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles (Paris, 1910), pp. 335 ffGoogle Scholar.

36 Georgévitch, Vladan, Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, V (Paris, 1891), 485-98.Google Scholar

37 Georgewitsch, Wladan, Die Serbische Frage (Stuttgart, 1909), pp. 503-5Google Scholar.

38 The territory of Serbia was increased by one-fourth by the acquisition of Nis”, Pirot, and Vranja.

39 Austria-Hungary had always been a natural market for Serbia's agricultural products and Serbia for Austrian manufactured goods. After 1878, the Habsburgs systematically exploited this situation for their own benefit. See Schmitt, Bernadotte E., The Coming of the War, (New York, 1930), I, 112 Google Scholar.

40 Miyatovich, Chedomil, Memoirs of a Balkan Diplomatist (New York, 1917), pp. 31–45 Google Scholar.

41 Schmitt, The Coming of the War, I, 107.

42 Peter Karadjordjević the future king of Serbia, was fighting in the Montenegrin army.

43 S. Protich, “The Secret Treaty between Austria-Hungary and Serbia,” Fortnightly Review, XCL (May, 1909), 838-49.

44 For the full text of the treaty see Pribram, A. F., The Secret Treaties of Austria-Hungary 1879-1914 (London, 1920), pp. 50–63 Google Scholar.

45 Schmitt, The Coming of the War, I, 110-11.

46 Pribram, Secret Treaties of Austria-Hungary, pp. 56-60.

47 Schmitt, The Coming of the War, I, 110-11.

48 The center of the revolt was the town of Zaječar in the Timočka district.

49 Živanović, Politička istorija Srbije, II, 245-62.

50 The two men lived together during the period of their greatest activity and exchanged ideas daily, but they were opposites in temperament and methods. Todorovic worked in the open, while Pašić preferred secrecy. Todorović loved argument, while his friend never tired of listening. One was impatient, the other phenomenally patient. See Spomenica Nikole Pašić, 1845-1925 (Belgrade, 1926).

51 Jovanović, Vlada Milana Obrenovića, II , 121.

52 Lazarevich-Hrebelianovich, S. L. E., The Serbian People: Their Past Glory and Their Destiny, (New York, 1910), I, 22 Google Scholar.

53 Jovanovic, Vlada Milana Obrenovica, II, 112-13.

54 Živanović, Polilička istorija Srbije, II, 214.

55 A gunjac is a peasant tool and weapon. An opanjak is a type of footgear worn by peasants.

56 Jovanović, Vlada Milana Obrenovića, II, 149.

57 Živanović, Politička istorija Srbije, II, 225.