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“Martyrs in Flames”: Sir John Temple and the Conception of the Irish in English Martyrologies*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Kathleen M. Noonan
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Extract

In the violence over Protestant marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1990s much of the debate centered on two towns, Portadown and Drumcree. Students of seventeenth-century Irish history will note that those towns were sites of some of the most infamous stories of rebel atrocities in the 1641 uprising. The continuity of such images reinforces the notion that ethnic and religious conflicts are immutable and perhaps inevitable. A certain fatalism surrounds the acrimony of Arab and Jew, Muslim and Christian, English and Irish arising from the conviction that such conflicts have raged, as if unchanging, over centuries. However, when viewed over time, the struggles between such groups are dynamic rather than static and have helped construct how each group sees the other and how it identifies itself. In the dynamism surrounding Anglo-Irish relations a number of important turning points can be identified. One of the most important is of course the seventeenth century, particularly the 1641 uprising. More than thirty years ago W. D. Love noted how for three centuries Irish historiography and Anglo-Irish intercourse had been molded by the events of the mid-seventeenth century and had compelled historians to support or deny the charges made by each side about the events of the 1640s. In trying to understand the searing nature of those events, and how they came to frame political as well as historical debates from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, a number of historians have noted the importance of Sir John Temple and his propagan distic piece, The Irish Rebellion. Temple's work offered not just an interpretation of the 1641 uprising but a portrait of the two peoples, English and Irish, as basically and permanently incompatible—a thesis that has had remarkable staying power. Published in 1646, Temple's work was a departure from the Tudor and early Stuart canon on Ireland. While Temple borrowed much from earlier commentators such as Edmund Spenser and Sir John Davies, his analysis differed from them and set out in a new direction by defining the Irish as ethnically distinct. Spenser and Davies suggested that the problem of Ireland arose not from the land, or even its people (although Spenser devoted considerable discussion to the ways Irish customs undermined English success), but from foolhardy or poorly executed English policy. Even though the late Tudor and early Stuart commentators saw the Irish as barbaric, the Irish were thought to be amenable to the benefits of English culture and rule, although their reformation might require draconian measures. Even the divisive issue of religion was not thought insurmountable. Davies and Spenser argued that a religious reformation begun after peace and stability had been secured in Ireland would succeed. In contrast, Temple viewed the 1641 revolt as conclusive evidence that the Irish were irredeemable and posed a deadly threat to England and its people.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , Summer 2004 , pp. 223 - 255
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2004

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Footnotes

*

The initial research for this article was made possible through a Mayer's Fellowship at the Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. I would like to thank the Huntington Library for its generous support. I am grateful to John Stoner, Sears McGee, and Helena Wall for their comments on an early draft of this article. I would also like to acknowledge Felicity Noonan Stoner who kept me company during that summer of research.

References

1 See my article, “‘The cruell pressure of an enraged, barbarous people’: Irish and English identity in seventeenth century propaganda and policy,” Historical Journal 41 (March 1998): 151–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The article explores how the Irish served as a touchstone for the formation of English national identity. Michael de Nie extends the argument for a later period, noting: “…the Catholic Irish, the Other within, were the most important and consistently used out-group against which Britons measured themselves” (“‘A Medley Mob of Irish-American Plotters and Irish Dupes’: The British Press and Transatlantic Fenianism,” Journal of British Studies 40 [April 2001]: 214Google Scholar).

2 Love, W. D., “Civil war in Ireland: appearances in three centuries of historical writing,” Emory University Quarterly 22 (1966): 57–72Google Scholar.

3 SirTemple, John, The Irish Rebellion: or, an history of the beginnings and first progress of the general rebellion raised within the Kingdom of Ireland, upon the three and twentieth day of October, in the Year 1641, together with the barbarous cruelties and bloody massacres which ensued thereupon (London, 1646Google Scholar. Temple's work and the depositions he used to construct his account have received recurring attention from historians. See, e.g., Maxwell, M. Percival, “The Ulster Rising of 1641, and the depositions,” Irish Historical Studies 21 (September 1978): 144–67Google Scholar. See also Barnard, T. C., “The Crisis of Identity among Irish Protestants, 1641–1685,” Past and Present 127 (May 1990): 39–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Bartlett, Thomas, “A new history of Ireland,” Past and Present 116 (1987): 206–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Barnard, Toby, “1641: a bibliographical essay,” in S.J.MacCuarta, Brian, ed., Ulster 1641 (Belfast, 1993), pp. 173–86Google Scholar.

4 George Frederickson provides a useful summary of the meaning of race in his recent study, Racism: A Short History (Princeton, 2002)Google Scholar. See especially his discussion of racialized religiosity and religious racism in the context of nationalism, pp. 40–47.

5 For Temple's connections to London and Independency see Adamson, J. A., “Strafford's ghost: The British context of Viscount Lisle's Lieutenancy of Ireland,” in Ohlmeyer, Jane, ed., Ireland from independence to occupation, 1641–1660 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 128–59Google Scholar, Noonan, , “‘The cruell pres-sure of an enraged, barbarous people,’” pp. 151–77Google Scholar, and Little, Patrick, , “The Irish ‘Independents’ and Viscount Lisle's lieutenancy of Ireland,” Historical Journal 44 (December 2001): 941–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Sommerville, C. John, “On the Distribution of Religious and Occult Literature in Seventeenth-Century England”, Library, 5th ser., 29 (1974): 221–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Nicholson, Eirwen, “Eighteenth-Century Foxe: Evidence for the Impact of the Acts and Monuments in the ‘Long” Eighteenth Century,” in Loades, David, John Foxe and the English Reformation (Brookfield, VT, 1997)Google Scholar. It is important to realize that based upon Sommerville's criteria, as Nicholson points out, Foxe's Acts and Monuments, a work whose popularity he argues has been more assumed than proved, could not be considered a best-seller either (Nicholson, p. 145). On Lawrence and the impact of Temple's book, see Barnard, , “Crisis of Identity,” p. 55Google Scholar.

7 John Adamson notes the influence of Temple's history in constructing the view, erroneous but thereafter dominant in the historiography, that the English Parliament was united in its determination for a new conquest of Ireland (“Strafford's ghost”, pp. 131–35).

8 Barnard, Toby, “‘Parlour entertainment in an evening’: Histories of the 1640s,” in Siochru, Michael O, Kingdoms in Crisis: Ireland in the 1640s (Dublin, 2001), pp. 22–26Google Scholar.

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10 Borlase, Edmund, The History of the execrable Irish Rebellion, trac'd from many preceding acts to the grand eruption the 23. of October 1641, and thence pursued to the Act of Settlement 1662 (London, 1680)Google Scholar. The comment about Temple is found on p. 7. Borlase identified Temple and his book as a major source for Borlase's work and refers to Temple in the marginal notes as well. For Temple's role in Borlase's book, see Kennedy, James, Smith, W. A., and Johnson, A. F., Dictionary of anonymous and pseudonymous English literature (Samuel Halkett and John Laing), 9 vols. (Edinburgh 1926–1962), 3: 81Google Scholar.

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14 Among those who endorse Rushworth's impressive impartiality are Macgillivray, Royce, Restoration Historians and the English Civil War (The Hague, 1974)Google Scholar and Henderson, Frances, “‘Posterity to Judge’—John Rushworth and his ‘Historical Collections,’” The Bodleian Library Record 15 (April 1996): 247–59Google Scholar. A limited dissent is voiced by Cope, Esther S. in “John Rushworth and the Short Parliament of 1640,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 51 (1975): 94–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who maintains that Rushworth's mistakes concerning the Short Parliament are enough to distort our understanding of that Parliament.

15 See Rushworth, , Historical Collections, The Third Part; in Two Volumes, (London, 1692, reprint, 1969)Google Scholar.

l6 See p. 406 of Rushworth's, Historical Collections, part 3, vol. 1Google Scholar, for numerous examples.

17 Ibid., pp. 409–10 and 414.

18 Macgillivray, , Restoration Historians, p. 100Google Scholar.

19 See Barnard, , “1641: a bibliographical essay,” pp. 179–80Google Scholar. Barnard notes a later edition printed in Cork in 1766 was published by subscription with very few notables among the 700 subscribers. He suggests that by then times had changed and that Temple's elite audience, at least in Ireland, “did not wish to buy a book which pandered to embarrassing antagonisms.” If true, then martyrologies may have been the form that conveyed his message even to many in a position to pay for the original work.

20 Ibid.,” p 179.

21 I thank Emily Jane Dawson for first making me aware of Southwell's The New Book of Martrys.

22 Gregory, , Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 1999), pp. 171–72Google Scholar. Charles H. Parker argues for the singularity of Jean Crespin's Histoire des martyrs in the preponderance of Old Testament images and references in the stories of the French martyrs (“French Calvinists as the Children of Israel: An Old Testament Self-Consciousness in Jean Crespin's Histoire des Martyrs before the Wars of Religion,” Sixteenth Century Journal 24 [July 1993]: 227–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

23 Gregory, , Salvation at Stake, p. 173Google Scholar.

24 On chapbook prices, see Spufford, Margaret, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular fiction and its readership in seventeenth-century England (Athens, GA, 1981), pp. 91–98Google Scholar.

25 See Parks, Stephen, John Dunton and the English Book Trade: A story of his career with a Checklist of his Publications (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.

26 Tessa Watt notes the impact of broadsides depicting the suffering of Anne Askew and the Duchess of Suffolk in Cheap Print and Popular Piety (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 91, 94–95Google Scholar. Gregory argues that Foxe's work was “one of the works most frequently excerpted in their [godly Protestants'] seventeenth-century commonplace books.” He notes that in addition to broadside ballads and woodcuts drawn from Acts and Monuments, Foxe's work gave rise to at least a dozen plays between 1573 and 1631 (Gregory, , Salvation at Stake, p. 194Google Scholar).

27 Linda Colley notes the importance of Foxe's serialized versions in the eighteenth century in “Britishness and Otherness: an argument,” Journal of British Studies 31 (October 1992): 318–19Google Scholar. Olaudah Equiano mentions that he owned a copy of Foxe (The Interesting Narrative of Olaudah Equiano, written by himself, Allison, Robert J., ed. [Boston, 1995] p. 169Google Scholar).

28 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, p. 109Google Scholar.

29 Gregory writes that Protestant martyrologists sometimes had to exclude edifying examples from their compendia. Crespin and van Haemstede did not include iconoclasts in their work because to do so might legitimize Catholic claims of Calvinist subversion (Gregory, , Salvation at Stake, p. 5Google Scholar). What was important was that martyrs, even those preceding the Reformation, be “on the right side of the Gospel's gradual emergence” (ibid., p. 179).

30 Temple's martyrs are articulate witnesses to the theological differences between Protestantism and Catholicism. See Noonan, , “The cruell pressure,” pp. 162–63Google ScholarPubMed.

31 Quoting Euan Cameron, Gregory makes an important point that martyrs were legitimate because they were better Christians “than those who persecuted and punished them, and that their persecutors had acted with barbarous and antichristian cruelty” (Cameron, , “Medieval Heretics as Protestant Martyrs,“ in Martyrs and Martyrologies, ed. Wood, Diana (Oxford, 1993), p. 194Google Scholar. Quoted in Gregory, , Salvation at Stake, p. 179Google Scholar.

32 The metaphor of children of the light and dark is Gregory's, (Salvation at Stake, p. 179Google Scholar). The application to the Irish and English Protestants versus Catholicism is mine.

33 Collinson, Patrick, “Truth and Legend: The veracity of John Foxe's Book of Martyrs,”, in Duke, A. C. and Tamse, C. A., Clio's Mirror: Historiography in Britain and the Netherlands (Zutphen, 1985), p. 44Google Scholar.

34 Gregory, , Salvation at Stake, p. 173Google Scholar.

35 Noonan, , “The cruell pressure of an enraged barbarous people,” p. 160Google Scholar.

36 Haller, William, “John Foxe and the Puritan Revolution,” in Jones, Richard Foster, ed., The Seventeenth Century: Studies in the History of English Thought and Literature from Bacon to Pope (Stanford 1951), p, 210Google Scholar.

37 ibid., pp. 222–23.

38 Clark, J.C.D., The Language of Liberty, 1660–1832 (Cambridge, 1994) p. 287Google Scholar.

39 Nicholson, , “Eighteenth-Century Foxe,” p. 167Google Scholar.

40 Clarke, Samuel, A General Martyrolgie, containing a Collection of All the Greatest Persecutions Which have Befallen the Church of Christ from the Creation to our Present Times, wherein is given an exact Account of the Protestants Suffering s in Queen Marie's Reign…, London: Printed for William Birch, at the _ at the Lower end of Cheapside (3rd ed., 1677)Google Scholar. The first edition was printed by Thomas Ratcliffe for Thomas Underhill and John Rothwell in 1640. A second edition, the first with parts from Temple was published in 1651 and again in 1652. The third edition (used in this article) was almost contemporaneous with the reissuance of Temple's book.

41 Billingsley, Nicholas, Brachy-Martyrologia: or, A Breviary of all the greatest Persecutions Which have befallen the Saints and People of God from the Creation to our present Times. London: Printed for J. CottrelGoogle Scholar, for Tho: Johnson, at the Key in Paul's Church-yard.1657. The notation in the Stationers' Register noted that the work was entered on 26 August 1656. A Transcript of the Registers of the Worshipfull Company of Stationers from 1640–1708 A.D., 3 vols. (London 1913–14): 2: 80. Billingsley's seems to have been a one-time effort, perhaps proof that quality wins out, although it received two separate printings when it was published in 1657.

42 [Nathaniel Crouch], Martyrs in Flames: or the History of Popery, by Burton, RobertGoogle Scholar. The Third Edition, London: Printed for A. Bettesworth at the Red-Lyon, and 3. Batley at the Dove, in Paternoster Row, 1729. Crouch used the pseudonym R. B. in the first two editions (1695 and 1713), which he printed himself. The 1713 edition bears the notation “Printed for Nath. Crouch at the Bell against Grocer-Alley in the Poultry, near Cheapside.” I thank Rene Jadushlever for her help in getting me a copy of the 1713 edition.

43 [Sanders, Robert], The New Book of Martyrs; or complete Christian Martyrology…by the Rev, Henry Southwell, LL.D Rector of Asterby in Lincolnshire, and late of Magdalen College, Cambridge; And Author of The Universal Family Bible, London: Printed for J. Cooke at No. 17, in Pater-Noster-Row (n.d. [1773])Google Scholar. Although most library catalogues list Southwell as the author of The New Book of Martyrs, Halkett and Laing note that the book really was written by Robert Sanders. See Dictionary of anonymous and pseudonymous English literature, 4: 167Google Scholar. The Library of Congress's copy has the handwritten notation “By Robert Sanders” above Southwell's name. There is considerable disagreement in dating the publication of Sanders' New Book of Martyrs, but it appears it was first published in forty numbers in 1765 (Library of Congress). There appears to have been an abridged version published in New York in the early nineteenth century under the title, An abridgment of the Book of martyrs: to which are prefixed, the living testimonies of the church of God, and faithful martyrs, in different ages of the world; and the corrupt fruits of the false church, in the time of the apostacy…. New York: Printed and sold by Samuel WoodGoogle Scholar, no. 357, Pearl-street…1810. Two editions, one in London and one in Glasgow appeared in 1780. The most recent edition seems to have been published sometime between 1901 and 1909 as “Foxe's Book of Martyrs rewritten and improved by Rev. Henry Southwell, LL.D, formerly of Magdalen College, Cambridge; and Rector of Asterby, Lincolnshire. Editor of “The Universal Family Bible” (London, 19_?). The section on Ireland is condensed but remains close to the original edition.

44 Clarke, A General Martyrologie, “To the Christian Reader of our English Martyrology,” n.p.

45 Ibid. Eirwen Nicholson makes the important point that Foxe's Acts and Monuments, while too expensive for many readers, was unavailable during much of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Nicholson, , “Eighteenth-Century Foxe,” p. 146Google Scholar.

46 Clarke, A General Martyrologie, n.p.

47 Billingsley, Brachy-Martyrologia, “To the Reader” [n.p.].

48 Ibid.

49 Nathaniel Crouch, Martyrs in Flames, “To the Protestant Reader” [n.p.].

50 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, p. 109Google Scholar.

51 In doing this Temple was following earlier English commentators on the Irish. Spenser singled out the unsubmissiveness of Irish women as proof of the baseness of Irish culture. Also, women were seen by Spenser as the key agent in the transmission of culture and warned that the English in Ireland risked the contamination of their offspring by having Irish wet-nurses. I am grateful to Stacy Clarke for pointing out women as being seen as touchstones of Irish barbarism (see Clarke, Stacy, “Take my wife, please: Marriage in Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,” unpublished paper, 1997)Google Scholar.

52 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, pp. 100–01Google Scholar.

53 Clarke, , General Martyrohgie, p. 274Google Scholar.

54 Crouch, , Martyrs in Flames, p. 153Google Scholar.

55 Sanders, , A New Book of Martyrs, p. 411Google Scholar.

56 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, p. 100Google Scholar. In Temple, italics indicate direct quotation from a deposition.

57 Clarke, , A General Martyrologie, p. 274Google Scholar.

58 Billingsley, , Brachy-Martyrologia, p. 136Google Scholar.

59 Crouch, , Martyrs in Flames, p. 153Google Scholar.

60 Sanders, , A New Book of Martyrs, p. 414Google Scholar.

61 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, p. 108Google Scholar.

62 Clarke, , A General Martyrologie, p. 276Google Scholar.

63 Billingsley, , Brachy-Martyrologia, p. 137, 122Google Scholar [note error in pagination].

64 Crouch, , Martyrs in Flames, p. 153Google Scholar.

65 Sanders, , The New Book of Martyrs, p. 414Google Scholar.

66 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, p. 92Google Scholar.

67 Ibid, p. 93.

68 Ibid, p. 134.

69 Temple, , The Irish Rebellion, pp. 134–35Google Scholar.

70 In Temple and Clarke, Campbell is mentioned in an earlier section than Coke and Price whose testimony comes near the end of the atrocity section.

71 Clarke, , A General Martyrologie, p. 272Google Scholar.

72 Ibid, p. 281.

73 Billingsley, , Brachy-Martyrologia, p. 136Google Scholar.

74 Crouch, , Martyrs in Flames [p. 5]Google Scholar.

75 Sanders, , The New Book of Martyrs, p. 413Google Scholar.

76 DNB, 4: 441–42. Clarke is also mentioned in Fuller's Worthies, see Fuller, Thomas, The History of the Worthies of England (London, 1840), p. 299Google Scholar.

77 Hughes, Ann, “Thomas Dugard and his circle in the 1630s—a ‘Parliamentary-Puritan’ connection?”, The Historical Journal 29 (December 1986): 771–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Clarke may have drawn on his connection with Dugard in the 1630s when he moved to London and actively wrote godly books. Thomas Dugard's older brother William published three editions of The Marrow of Ecclesiastical Historie in 1650.

78 In 1642 Thomas Temple was vicar of Battersey, Surrey. In March of 1642 John Temple wrote to his brother with particulars of some of the developments of the struggle between English troops and the rebels. The letter was printed in London and circulated as the pamphlet., The Copie of A Letter From Dublin in Ireland Dated March 29, 1642. By Sir John Temple Knight, Master of the Rolles, and one of his Majesties privy Councell of that Kingdom, written to D. Temple, D. of Divinity and Pastor of Battersey, near London: Relating the Manner of taking the Castle of Carrick-Maine, six miles from Dublin, by Sir Simon Harcourt, and some English under his Common: Together with the manner of his hurt and death, with some other passages (London, 1642)Google Scholar. Huntington Library, Hastings Collection, 230949. Also in 1642 Thomas Temple preached a sermon in Parliament that was later printed. See Temple, Thomas, Christ's government in and over his people delivered in a sermon in the Honorable House of Commons, at their late publick and solemne fast (London, 1642)Google Scholar. For more on Thomas Temple's career see Venn, John and Venn, J. A., Alumni cantabrigienses; a biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900 (Cambridge, 1927), 4: 212–13Google Scholar, and Anthony a Wood, Athenae oxonienses: an exact history of all the writers and bishops who have had their education in the University of Oxford: to which are added the Fasti, or Annals of the said University with additions, and a continuation by Bliss, Philip (London, 1813–1820) 4 v., p. 1465Google Scholar.

79 DNB, 4: 441. Clarke's protest against the king's execution might have renewed his connection with William Dugard. The latter printed the first edition of Eikon Basilike. Plomer notes that following Dugard's arrest upon order of the Council of State, James Harrington and John Milton intervened for Dugard and “persuaded him to give up the Royal cause.” See Plomer, , A Dictionary of the booksellers and printers who were at work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1641 to 1667 (London, 1907), pp. 67–68Google Scholar.

80 See The Copie of a letter from Dublin in Ireland, dated march 29, 1642/by Sir John Temple Knight… (London, 1642)Google Scholar.

81 Plomer, , A Dictionary of the booksellers 1641–1667, p. 81Google Scholar. The clerical connection is an important one. Samuel Gellibrand, the publisher and printer of Temple's, JohnThe Irish Rebellion, had published a sermon by Thomas Temple three years earlier (1643)Google Scholar. According to the Stationers' Register, Thomas Temple continued to present religious tracts written by others to be published by Gellibrand. When the 1677 edition of The Irish Rebellion was printed, it was by Gellibrand's son. I think John Temple, Thomas Temple, and Samuel Gellibrand might have been part of the parliamentary-puritan connection that Ann Hughes describes in her article, “Thomas Dugard and his Circle in the 1630s,” pp. 771–93.

82 Stationers Registers, 1: 246Google Scholar.

83 The Stationers' Registers record four other works between 1645 and 1655 entered under Thomas Temple's name. The first, Six sermons upon the 14th of Hosea by Mr. Reynolds (1645) was published by Robert BostockGoogle Scholar, a bookseller who dealt primarily in theological works, but did publish some political pieces in the 1640s. The others were published by Samuel Gellibrand. They were, The divine Trinity of the Father, sonne & holy spiritt &c, by Fran: Cheynell (1650), Good conscience the strongest hold, the surest refuge, &c (1649) and The Spirit of Bondage & adoption in two treatises, by Simon Ford B.D. & minister at Reading (1654). Stationers Registers, 1: 181, 335, 341, 462Google Scholar. While Plomer notes that Bostock did publish some political pamphlets, including The Kings Cabinet Opened draw from the Royal letters captured at Nasby, Gellibrand does not seem to have engaged in a similar sidelight (A Dictionary of the booksellers 1641–1667, pp. 28, 81.

84 Ibid., p. 192.

85 Thomas Underhill and John Rothwell were the booksellers for both the 1640 and the 1651 editions. Underhill may have met Clarke through Richard Baxter whose works he published. Ibid., pp. 151, 157, 185.

86 DNB, 4: 441. Although Clarke was the curate at St. Bennet Fink in the 1640s, his primary living had been at Alcester. A General Martyrologie was published by William Birch who also published a later edition of Clarke's, , The Marrow of Ecclesiastical History, 1675Google Scholar.

87 DNB, 4: 441.

88 DNB, 2: 37.

89 Ibid.

90 Enssle, Neale, “Patterns of Godly Life: The Ideal Parish Minister in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century English Thought,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 28 (Spring 1997): 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Ibid. p. 5.

92 Greaves, Richard L., Deliver us from evil: the radical underground in Britain, 1660–1663 (Oxford, 1986), p. 212Google Scholar. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer who offered this suggestion.

93 DNB, 3: 15. Dunton and Crouch appear to have had a complex association. On Crouch and Dunton, see Parks, John Dunton and the English Book Trade. On Dunton, see Hill, Peter Murray, Two Augustan Booksellers: John Dunton and Edmund Curll (Kansas, 1958)Google Scholar.

94 Plomer, A Dictionary of the Booksellers and Printers who were at work in England, Scotland, and Ireland from 1668–1725, p. 89.

95 The term is Mayer's, Robert from his article, “Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian: Popular Historiography and Cultural Power in Late Seventeenth-Century England,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 27 (Spring 1994): 414CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

96 DNB, 3: 15.

97 Treadwell, Michael, “Richard Lapthorne and the London retail book trade, 1683–1697,” in Hunt, Arnold, Mandelbrote, Giles & Shell, Alison, The Book Trade & its Customers 1450–1900 (New Castle, Del., 1997), p. 216Google Scholar. Lapthorne was more successful in dissuading Coffin from buying Samuel Clarke's Annotations on the Bible because he deemed it “usefull for the Lower & meaner order of people & not so much for the learned” (p. 216).

98 Mayer, , “Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian,” pp. 392, 393, and 398Google Scholar.

99 This is clearly what Crouch intended in the first two editions of Martyrs in Flames which bear the notation “by R. B.” but list Nath. Crouch as the printer. When the third edition was produced in 1729, two years after Crouch's death, the fiction was maintained. The book was “By Robert Burton” and printed for A. Bettesworth and J. Batley. Mayer's article contains an interesting discussion of the benefits of Crouch's use of his pseudonym. See Mayer, , “Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian,” p. 417Google Scholar.

100 Mayer, , “Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian,” p. 408Google Scholar.

101 DNB, 17: 751.

102 In 1764 he produced The Newgale Calendar, or Malefactor's Bloody Register.

103 Both The Universal Family Bible and The New Book of Martyrs were published by J. Cooke of Paternoster Row. Plomer notes that with J. Coote, another London bookseller and publisher with whom he seems to have shared a number of locations, Cooke specialized in “jestbooks and chronicles of crime, which he advertised extensively in provincial newspapers.” Cooke and Sanders may have had a longstanding association since Cooke also published Sanders's The Complete English Traveller (Plomer, , A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers who were at work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1726–1775, pp. 60–61Google Scholar). Given Sanders's standing as a hack writer, and Cooke's status as a bookseller and publisher of popular literature, Cooke may have been behind the arrangement to have Sanders write and Southwell claim authorship.

104 DNB, 18: 751.

105 Ibid. The DNB entry includes the observation, “His sharp and querulous temper kept him in a state of warfare with booksellers and patrons. In a begging letter which has been preserved, dated 1768, he makes allusion to a wife and five children.”

106 One of the most obvious sources for the dissemination of Temple's ideas is the sermons in observance of the 23 October, the anniversary of the start of the 1641 uprising. For an excellent analysis of the sermons, and Temple's place in them, see Barnard, T. C., “The Uses of 23 October 1641 and Irish Protestant Celebration,” English Historical Review 106 (October 1991): 889–920CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 After his retirement to Hammersmith following his ejection in 1662, Clarke substantially broad-ened the subject of his writings. They came to include descriptions of exotic places and treatments of historical events and figures as well as his work on religious themes. Clarke was increasingly dependent on his writing for his income, and his publishers may have urged him to produce books on secular subjects for a wider readership (Hunter, J. Paul, Before Novels: The Cultural Context of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction (New York, 1990), p. 315Google Scholar.

108 Mayer, , “Nathaniel Crouch, Bookseller and Historian,” pp. 397, 417Google Scholar.