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Charles Masterman and National Health Insurance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

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In 1926, Lord Beaverbrook introduced in his Sunday Express a biographical series under the oxymoron: “Splendid Failures.” The purpose was to praise public figures who had been branded failures. The first person Beaverbrook chose as a subject for his new feature was Charles F. G. Masterman, who fulfilled the purpose of the series, Beaverbrook believed, because Masterman's success outweighed his failure to endure on the political scene. Dictating Beaverbrook's choice was Masterman's work in carrying through Part I (which dealt with health insurance) of the National Insurance Act of 1911. Beaverbrook concluded that Masterman should be given “full credit” for this accomplishment. Charles Masterman was not undeserving of Beaverbrook's attention for no one worked with more dedication than he to guarantee the Parliamentary passage of this important Edwardian social reform. Masterman's support for health insurance has generally been acknowledged, but his administrative ability, used to guarantee the practical implementation of the social reform legislation, has seldom been recognized. In fact, Masterman as a political figure has received only limited attention. This perhaps has been the result of the concern by historians with the decline in the fortunes of the Liberal Party as well as their tendency to label Masterman a pessimist. Masterman, nevertheless, regarded health insurance optimistically, satisfied that it represented a positive outcome of his long-time involvement with social criticism and hoping that its success would encourage the Liberal Party to assume a more radical social reform policy.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1978

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References

1 Sunday Express, 12 December 1926, p. 12Google ScholarPubMed.

2 Masterman met Lloyd George on 17 October 1908, and their friendship quickly developed. Masterman, Lucy, “Recollections of David Lloyd George,” History Today, IX (March, 1959): 160161Google Scholar. Masterman also committed himself to what he called Lloyd George's effort to create a ’real democratic policy.” Masterman, Lucy, C. F. G. Masterman: A Biography (London, 1968/19397), P- 94Google Scholar. Masterman, wrote one biographer, apparently got as close to Lloyd George as anybody. Davies, W. Watkins, Lloyd George—1863-1914 (London, 1939), p. 451Google Scholar.

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7 Masterman wrote or edited three books between 1901 and 1905: The Heart of the Empire (1901), From the Abyss of its Inhabitants by one of Them (1902), and In Peril of Change: Essays Written in Time of Tranquility (1905). These were, like his journal articles, largely concerned with the social reform scene.

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10 Beatrice Webb referred to Masterman as combining High Anglicanism with his sentimental and pessimistic Radicalism, (Our Partnership, eds. Drake, Barbara and Cole, Margaret I. [London, 1948;, p. 309Google ScholarPubMed). And Chesterton, G. K., The Autobiography of G. K. Chesterton, p. 120Google Scholar. Samuel Hynes is only the most recent contributor to Masterman's pessimistic image, styling him as a Liberal whose imagination failed, or worse, as an example of the tailure of intellectualism to be active, (The Edwardian Turn of Mind [Princeton, N. J., 1968], pp. 57 and 70Google Scholar).

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16 Masterman stressed, for instance, the ugliness of the drab slum streets that wore on the nerves “with a sense of personal injury.” The Heart of the Empire, pp. 16-18. Also see his In Peril of Change, pp. 152-153.

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27 Masterman's acceptance of office, wrote James A. Salter, then a secretary to Masterman and later Lord Salter, was “to the surprise and dismay of some of his left-wing friends; Mary Macarthur sent him a brief post card ‘et tu brute’: which severed personal relations for some years.” Salter, Lord James Arthur, Memoirs of a Public Servant (London, 1961), p. 62Google Scholar. J. A. Pease, Chief Whip, supported Masterman for office with the primary reason to curtail his independent actions in the House. Pease noted that he “was glad his tongue was tied & that he might see the difficulties of putting into practice his theories at the local Govmt. Board. …” Pease's Diary, 7 April 1908, cited in Hazelhurst, Cameron, “Asquith as Prime Minister, 1908-1916,” English Historical Review, 85 (July, 1970): 510Google Scholar.

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32 Masterman became a close friend of Churchill about 1907. Beatrice Webb remarked that Churchill and Masterman “seem to be almost sentimental friends” (Our Partnership, p. 404).

33 According to Colin Cross the detailed “political control” of the Bill was assigned to Masterman who “combined a genius for private friendship with considerable gifts in the exposition of complicated matters on the platform and in Parliament” (The Liberals in Power 1905-1914 [London, 1963], p. 147Google ScholarPubMed). Another author wrote that Masterman “may, without exaggeration, be said to have given his political life to the Insurance Act” (Davies, , Lloyd George, p. 379Google Scholar).

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47 The Times, 13 December 1911, p. 7Google ScholarPubMed. Section Eighty-three of the National Insurance Act gave powers to the Chancellor to appoint a chairman of the Joint Commission. There is an undated copy of Masterman's appointment and a later warrant stating the date of this as 30 December 1911. Great Britain, Public Record Office MSS, National Health Insurance Joint Committee, Pin. 2/1.

48 Masterman, C. F. G., Obituary for Morant, The Nation, 20 March 1920, p. 857Google Scholar, and Masterman, Lucy, C. F. G. Masterman, p. 220Google Scholar. The question of Lloyd George passing over Braithwaite, who did so much to write the legislation for health insurance, is given much space by historians. Certainly Braithwaite was more positive towards the Act and did more to create its character than Morant, but Lloyd George had less to do with Morant being named a commissioner than did Masterman. Masterman, having worked with him for months, never seems to have considered him for a position of commissioner, though he expected Braithwaite to choose to work with Morant on the English Commission—where most of the work would be—rather than with him on the Joint Commission. See Braithwaite's own comments, Lloyd George's Ambulance Wagon, pp. 271-272. For more favorable reactions to Braithwaite's cause, see Bunbury, “Introduction,” ibid., p. 37, Cross, , The Liberals in Power, p. 153Google Scholar, and Gilbert, , The Evolution of National Health Insurance, p. 429Google Scholar.

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54 Braithwaite, , Lloyd George's Ambulance Wagon, p. 303Google Scholar. Actually the questions Masterman answered numbered even more than Braithwaite's estimated 1200. From 14 February, 1912 until 14 February 1913 when the insurance legislation was most before the House, Masterman answered about 1850 questions. They were regarded important enough for the demand to grow to have the published separate from the Debates. In August 1912, Masterman told the Commons that all questions and answers regarding the Act would be published without deletions. Parliamentary Debates (House of Commons) 5th ser., Vo. XLI (5 August 1912): 2665Google Scholar.

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74 Lancet, 2 November 1912, p. 1229 and British Medical Journal, 2 November 1912, p. 1236Google ScholarPubMed.

75 Debates, Vol. LVI (23 July 1913): 29392940Google Scholar. The 160 placed the average weekly earnings at £3, while the doctors had hoped to place it at £2 per week. Gilbert, , The Evolution of National Insurance, p. 443Google Scholar. The £160 was the tax limit on wages at the time, and it represented about four-fifths of the tax-paying population.

76 Great Britain, Parliament Parliamentary Papers, 1913, Vol. XXXVI (Reports, Vol. 1), Cmnd. 6907Google Scholar, “Report for 1912-13 on the Administration of the National Insurance Act, Part I (Health Insurance),” p. 139. This report by Morant, with Masterman's introduction, is a fine review of the government's putting the Act into force.

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86 Gilbert cites several instances where doctors held out until there were rumors of doctors approaching from other areas, and then they rushed to sign up for panel service. He concludes that by mid-January so many panels were formed that monopolies had to be formed in only five areas. Gilbert, , The Evolution of National Insurance, p. 415Google Scholar.

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94 Many items found in Masterman's writings had been taken up by the Liberals, and Masterman had worked closely with other Liberals to see some of his hopes written into law: school meals for underfed children, regulation of shop hours, old age pensions, unemployment insurance, graduated taxation. Not all of these fulfilled his hopes in legislation, however, and an agricultural rejuvenation, minimum wages, separation of church and state, housing (especially rural housing), educational training for the young who left school, and a Ministry of Labor had hardly yet been faced.

95 Masterman made his lifelong opposition to the Labor Party clear after the First World War. Before that he believed that he Labour Party would not become a political threat, thus, his statements about it are not clear. See Us New Liberalism (London, 1920), pp. 2526Google ScholarPubMed, and The Case for a Liberal Party,” The Nation, 22 May 1920, p. 244Google ScholarPubMed. For prewar statements: Liberalism and Labour,” Nineteenth Century, LX (November, 1906): 706718Google Scholar and Commonwealth, October 1905, pp. 296298Google ScholarPubMed, and The Nation, 3 August 1907, pp. 825826Google ScholarPubMed. He was not, of course, alone in his distrust of the Labour Party. See Havighurst, Alfred F., Radical Journalist: H. W. Massingham (1860-1924) (Cambridge, 1974), p. 289Google Scholar and Smith, Harold L., “The New Liberal Movement in Great Britian: 1888-1924,” Ph.d. dissertation, University of Iowa, 1971, p. 154Google Scholar.

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97 Rowland lists High Churchmen “such as Masterman” along with the Fabians, the Salvation Army, and the Labour Party as forces carrying on the program to do something about the “condition of the people.” He also who concludes that the Liberals are remembered for the social reform measures passed. Ibid., pp. 356-358. J. H. Plumb suggests that the one that sets the Edwardians apart from their past or future was that of “gusto,” The Edwardians,” Horizon, XIII (Autumn, 1971): 32Google Scholar.

98 House of Lords Library, David Lloyd George Papers, H/273, clipping of Masterman's, article from the Sunday Express, 30 January 1927Google Scholar.