The author wishes to thank for critical comments Joel Barkan, Joseph Black, Chizungu Rudahindwa, David Court, Howard Elliott, Munga Kabongo, Nzongola Ntalaja, Kenneth Prewitt, Laurence Stifel, and Guy Verhaegen.

1. Ashby, Eric, Universities: British, Indian, African: A Study in the Ecology of Higher Education (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 293.Google Scholar

2. Quoted in ibid., p. 291.

3. Quoted in Chagula, W.K., “Academic Freedom and University Autonomy in the Economic, Social and Political Context of East Africa,” Minerva 6:3, Spring 1968, p. 415.Google Scholar

4. “The objects of that freedom were activities which were specifically academic—teaching, training, and research—and which took place within universities.” Edward Shiis, “The Enemies of Academic Freedom,” Minerva 13:4, October 1974, p. 405.

5. Ibid., p.414.

6. Ashby, op.cit., pp. 290-343; Chagula, op.cit., p. 409-414; Zelman Cowen, “Institutional Autonomy and Academic Freedom,” and Alex Kwapong, “University Autonomy, Accountability, and Planning,” in ICED, Higher Education: Crisis and Support (NY: ICED, 1974), pp. 43-62. As Ashby stated, “it is a commonplace of history that an autonomous university can deny academic freedom (as Oxford did in the early nineteenth century) and a university which is not autonomous can safeguard academic freedom (as Prussian universities did it in Humboldt’s time),” p. 290.

7. ICED, op.cit., p. 174.

8. Barbara Baird Israel, Can Higher Education Recapture Public Support (New York: ICED, 1974), p. 36. In a statement issued by British Vice Chancellors in 1947 they said that “the universities entirely accept the view that the government has not only the right, but the duty to satisfy itself that every field of study which in the national interest ought to be cultivated in Great Britain is in fact being cultivated in the university system.” Cited in A.M. Carr-Saunders, “Britain and Universities in Africa,” Universities Quarterly, June 1965, Vol. 19, p. 231.

9. In the Carnegie Commission’s report on the Governance of Higher Education it was noted that “the greatest shift of power in recent years has taken place not within the campus but in the transfer of authority from the campus to outside agencies.” Cited by Cowen, op.cit., p. 46.

10. C. Vann Woodward argues in “The Erosion of Academic Privileges and Immunities” that the diminution in both institutional autonomy and academic freedom has in some measure been the result of neglect and indifference, but also “betrayal within the walls of the academy.” Daedalus, Fall 1974, p. 34.

11. Op.cit., pp. 336-337.

12. Eric Ashby’s pioneering study is the most comprehensive analysis to date. Other selected works include F.X. Sutton, “African Universities and the Process of Change in Middle Africa,” in Stephen D. Kertész (ed.). The Task of Universities in a Changing World (Notre Dame: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1972); Roger J. Southall and Joseph M. Kaufert, “Converging Models of University Development: Ghana and East Africa,’” Canadian Journal of African Studies, 8:3, 1974, pp. 607-626; T.M. Yesufu, Creating the African University (Ibadan: Oxford University Press, 1973);

C.W. de K’iewet, The Emergent African University: An Interpretation (Overseas Liaison Committee, December 1971); Benoit Verhaegen, “L’Université dans l’Afrique Indépendante,” Cultures et Développement, l:3, pp. 555-583; L. Gray Cowan, “Government and the Universities in Africa,” US Library of Congress Quarterly Vol. 27, July 1970, pp. 197-205; David Court, “The Experience of Higher Education in East Africa: The University of Dar es Salaam as a New Model” Comparative Education 2:3, October 1975, pp. 193-218. The most detailed study of the anatomy of an African university is Pierre L. van den Berghe’s Power and Privilege at an African University (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973).

13. The various aspects of this “replacement function” have been examined by Sutton, op.cit., pp. 394ff., and Court, op.cit., pp. 197-201.

14. Kenneth Prewitt, “University Students in Uganda: Political Consequences of Selection Patterns,” and Joel D. Barkan, “Elite Perceptions and Politics in Ghana, Tanzania, and Uganda,” in William John Hanna, University Students and African Politics (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1975), pp. 167-186 and 187-214. It should be stressed that this relative quiessence was not universal; it was more strikingly evident in the new states which emerged from former British and French colonial Africa. There are several notable exceptions, in particular the effective resistance of Sudanese students at the University of Khartoum to the Abboud regime commencing in 1958, and the high degree of politicization and activism among Congolese (Zairian) students between 1964 and 1970.

15. de Kiewet, op.cit., p. 49.

16. Zolberg, Aristide R., “The Structure of Political Conflict in the New States of Tropical Africa,” American Political Science Review 6:1, March 1968, pp. 70–87;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Zolberg, , ‘The Military Decade in Africa,” World Politics 25:2, January 1973, pp. 309–331;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Coleman, James S. and Rosberg, Carl G. (eds.). Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1966).Google Scholar

17. “Adapter l’université aux besoins et aux exigences immédiates de la société est donc une entreprise impossible, si, au préalable on n’admet pas que les relations entre université et société sont dialectiques et conflictuelles, surtout dans un société longtemps sujette à des processus de changements induits de l’extérieur et où les intellectuels sont mis en demeure de repenser des institutions à rétablissements desquelles ils n’ont pas été associés.” Verhaegen, op. cit., pp. 557-558.

18. The variation in intensity has been a function in part of the educational level and makeup of the governing group. As L. Gray Cowan has noted, “the majority of the nationalist leaders who formed the first postindependence governments were men whose education had been limited to secondary school. They tended to regard the university with a mixture of awe and even some slight fear, since they felt inferior to the staff and even to the students.” Op.cit., p.198. De Kiewet observes that political leadership of this character “found it difficult not to be anti-intellectual, especially when the rules of university conduct were laid down ex cathedra by expatriate academics. ...” In contrast, he observes, “African political leaders whose intellectual formation had taken place either abroad or under predominantly metropolitan influence, were initially disposed to accept the university as it presented itself. Their attitude was reinforced by the presence within government of expatriate bureaucrats, advisors, and technicians.” Op. cit., p. 51.

19. Ashby, op.cit, p. 222.

20. Representative of this sentiment was a policy statement of one Nigerian political group cited by Eric Ashby: “Every time suggestions are offered by outside bodies for certain actions to be taken by the University College for the good of Nigeria the reply invariably comes that the University College is an ‘autonomous institution’ which would not submit to ‘dictation’ by any outside body. This sort of reply is, of course, sheer nonsense because no estate within a State can be absolutely autonomous.” Ashby, op.cit., p. 322.

21. Among insecure regimes there tends to be a strong suspicion that university staff and students are inherently heretical in their political convictions and that they are disposed to strongly resist any move towards closer integration of universities with public authority, even if in fact there is considerable deference existent. See Ali A. Mazrui and Yash Tandon, “The University of East Africa as a Political Institution,” Minerva Vol. 3, 1967, p. 384, and Benoit Verhaegen, op.cit., p. 557.

22. Legum, Colin, Africa: The Year of the Students (London: Rex Collings, 1972), p. 2.Google Scholar

23. Ibid., p.2. Deportations of expatriates occurred in Zaire and Zambia (including the Canadian first Vice-Chancellor of the University of Zambia); however, Tanzania refrained from taking action against two activist expatriates in the demonstrations at the University of Dar es Salaam (a Canadian political scientist and a Guyanán historian), and finally abandoned the deportation actions against a Kenyan student leader, pp. 8-14. The response of the Ugandan Vice Chancellor to the student charges that the expatriate staff was frustrating Ugandanization was “my own experience is that In most cases it is the university that fights to keep [the expatriates] because of the absence of Ugandans at that level, rather than that the expatriates fight to stay because they are anxious to establish themselves elsewhere before it is too late to do so,” p.15.

24. Increasingly vice-chancellors and members of governing bodies were appointed because of their identity with or deference to the governing regime, a phenomenon particularly illuminated by appointments of the first African vice chancellors and University Councils of the University of Nairobi, Makerere University Kampala, and the University of Dar es Salaam. However, there are notable exceptions illuminated by the courageous affirmation of fundamental principles in the speech made by Vice Chancellor Ajayi at the 1972 workshop of the Association of African Universities. Yesufu, op.cit., pp. 11-19.

25. Harlan Cleveland has noted the uniquely exasperating nature of the challenge of student demonstrations to authoritarian regimes: They must “reckon with many different constituencies. . . . Control is not difficult as long as the constituency to be controlled is itself organized in ways the regime can understand. But student power is often a baffling scene of shifting leadership, unplanned demonstrations, and unpredictable targets.” Education is Development, and Vice Versa (New York: Institute of International Education, 1975), p.6. Howard Elliott has suggested that one variable influencing a government’s approach to academic freedom is the political strength of students, either because they are well-organized or because they are held in awe by the people. Experience at the University of Lovanium, Makerere University, amd others, would support this argument.

26. “Evidence suggests that most of the pressures for a high level of material support of the armed forces in Ghana, the Congo, and Ethiopia, have come from the top political leaders who recognize that a satisfied army is as essential to their continued political control as it is to state security.” Quoted in Aristide Zolberg, “The Military Decade in Africa,” op.cit., p. 317. The reason for the extraordinarily high cost of African universities (small size in terms of numbers of students, high staff/student ratios, high public utility costs, high equipment costs, and high staff expenses—particularly for expatriates) are analyzed in Kwapong, op.cit., pp. 57-58 and also Colin Leys and John Shaw, “Problems of Universities in Developing Countries,” Mimeo, May 1967.

27. Kwapong, op.cit., pp. 56 and 60. Government financing and control over universities is also the dominant pattern in Europe, but as Ashby has shown, mechanism and conventions have developed over the years which have provided a protective shield, althought this itself is eroding or under challenge in many respects. He quotes Т.Н. Silcock as suggesting that “universities might be more secure as functional organs with a defined influence within the state structure than as separate institutions needing constitutional defences.” Op.cit., p. 341. Cleveland notes: “Financing the piper does in practice entitle the political authorities to call the tune on a) how many of which categories of its constituents get into the universities, b) what kinds of academic training and research are essential to development (as defined by the authorities), c) how much money will be available for the holders of university credentials.” Op. cit., p.7.

28. Court, op.cit., p. 206, and J.F.A. Ajayi, “Towards an African Academic Community,” in Yesufu, op.cit., p. 14.

29. De Kiewet, op.cit., pp. 53-54; Roger Southall, Federalism and Higher Education in East Africa (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1974).

30. Beshir, Mohammed Omar, “Higher Education for Development: Case Study, University of Khartoum” (ICED: April 1975), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

31. Chagula, op.cit., p. 415.

32. Van den Berghe nots that “there are powerful restraints against letting internal conflicts turn into an attack against the University itself. Vis-à-vis the larger society, the University is a solidary group. .. .” Op.cit., p. 263. The lines of cleavage among various components of universities have varied, both temporally and among different systems. At the University of Dar es Salaam, for example, the cleavages that later emerged were national (administrator and academic) versus expatriate (irrespective of nationality) and Marxist/non-Marxist.

33. Austin, Dennis, “Et in Arcadia Ego: Politics and Learning in Ghana,” Minerva 13:2, Summer 1975, pp. 236–269.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In his final report. Dr. O’Brien stated, “For a university, autonomy is not an end in itself. It is simply the guarantee and the protection of the freedoms of thought and speech, of reading and writing, which are essential for the maintenance of high educational standards. As long as that autonomy is intact, critical and independent thought remains relatively secure; but if that autonomy is once breached, then elements inimical to such values may easily establish themselves in control and change the whole character of the University,” p. 244.

34. Nicol, Davidson, “Civic Responsibility and Academic Freedom in Africa,” Minerva Vol. 7, Autumn-Winter 1968, pp. 76–77.Google Scholar

35. The institutional autonomy and academic freedom in Africa’s older universities (Fourah Bay, University of Ghana, University of Ibadan, University of Khartoum, and Makerere University) is undoubtedly less fragile than those of newer universities; the passage of time, the socialization and habituation of at least two generations; and the weighty respect they command as national institutions make them less vulnerable. The recent capitulation of the regime of Siaka Stevens to the students of the Fourah Bay College regarding the holding of new elections in Sierra Leone is a fresh demonstration of the power of that honored university.

36. Kwapong, op.cit., p. 59.

37. Njoku, E., “The relationship between university and society in Nigeria,” in The Scholar and Society (Manchester: Committee on Science and Freedom, 1959), p. 82. Google Scholar

38. Ajayi, op.cit., pp. 12-13.

39. Kamla Chowdhry brilliantly illuminated the critically determinative role played by early leaders in the institutionalization of new educational structures of exotic origin, endorsing the basic philosophy underlying the Max Planck Institutes in Germany, namely “The Kaiser Wilhelm Society shall not first build an institute for research and then seek out the suitable man but shall first pick up an outstanding man and then build an Institute for him.” “Strategies for Institutionalizing Public Management Education: The Indian Experience” (mimeo), p. 21. Cowen rightly stresses that the special disabilities of the new universities are but one aspect of the deeper “national crisis of the legitimization of authority through which all the new states of Africa are now passing.” Op.cit., p. 205.

40. Ashby, op.cit., p.320. The early celebrated cases of expatriate expulsions were Professor Terrence Ranger, then lecturer in history at the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, victimized by the white Rhodesián government for his opposition to racial segregation (Ashby observed “It is ironic that the most shocking examples of scorn for the integrity of universities on the African continent should have come from white governments in Rhodesia and South Africa, not black government.” Ibid., p.320); and John Hatch, former director of extra-mural studies as Fourah Bay College, deported for a derogatory article in a U.K. journal about the Sierra Leone government. Nicol, op.cit., p. 81. In both cases university authorities vigorously protested the actions by governments. Edward Shils observes that “In the United States a large proportion of the infringements of the freedom of academic persons in the period from the 1890s to the 1930s had to with actions and expressions, outside academic institutions, of views regarding current political, social, and economic questions. In the state and major private universities, remarkably few . . . had to do with academic activities proper, namely, research and teaching.” “The Enemies of Academic Freedom,” Minerva 7:4, October 1974, p. 407.

41. The five expelled University of Zambia expatriates apparently confronted only hints that there was involvement in a “Red plot,” “foreign interference and subversive elements,” and the like, but no evidence was produced. This all occurred during the heat of the Angolan war and the intervention by South Africa in that conflict, on which the Zambián government had an anti-MPLA, pro-UNITA position. The Ahmadu Bello crisis involved physical attacks on expatriate members of staff and allegations of conduct “at variance with the mood of the Nation,” but no specific charges were ever produced, and the university administration reportedly undertook no vigorous efforts to clarify the matter. Again, this occurred in the emotion-ridden aftermath of the tragic assassination of General Murtala Mohammed.

42. Issue: A Quarterly Journal of Africanist Opinion, 6:4, Winter 1976, especially pp. 3-13.

43. Private communication from M. Crawford Young.

44. Nzongola Ntalaja has cogently argued that since ideology is inherent in all political structures the distinction between ideological and non-ideological regimes is not particularly useful. A counter to this is that an ideology that is explicit and prescriptive does provide a basis for identifying and punishing overt challenges to it which a latent or unarticulated regime does not.

45. Colin Leys, “The Role of the University in an Underdeveloped Country,” Education News, April 1971, Department of Education and Science, Canberra, Australia, p. 18. A distinction should be made here between expatriate professors holding appointments at African universities (for which research access in most instances is indeed relatively open) and visiting expatriate scholars who must obtain visas and research clearance in advance. In these latter cases controls are much more rigorous, bu the record in most countries is one of considerable permissiveness, punctuated by occasional capricious closure.

46. Robert F. Amove, ‘The Ford Foundation and ‘Competency Building’ Overseas: Assumptions, Approaches, and Outcomes,” (mimeo), p.24.

47. Ibid., p.18.

48. According to Theroux the expatriate professor (“Tarzan”) comes to Africa for any one (or all) of several reasons: “an active curiosity in things strange, a vague premonition that Africa rewards her visitors; a disgust with the anonymity of the industrial setting; a wish to be special; and an unconscious desire to stop thinking and let the body take over.” “Tarzan is an Expatriate,” Transition 7:32, August-September 1967, p.14.

49. Altbach, op.cit., p. 551; and Jennifer С Ward, “The Expatriate Academic and the African University,” Africa Today 18:1 (January 1971), p. 36.

50. Streeten, Paul, “Some Problems in the Use and Transfer of an Intellectual Technology,” in IBRD, The Social Sciences and Development (IBRD, Washington, 1974), pp. 40–41.Google Scholar

51. Ashby, Eric, “Four Views of Academic Freedom,” Minerva 8:2, April 1970, p. 314.Google Scholar

52. AAUP Bulletin, Summer 1974, p. 271.

53. Ibid., passim, pp. 270-272.

54. Ibid., p. 271.

55. UNESCO, 777e Development of Higher Education in Africa (1963), p. 13.

56. Quoted in Court, op.cit., p. 196.

57. Shils, Edward, “The Academic Ethos Under Strain,” Minerva 13:1, Spring 1975, p. 13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

58. Ibid., p. 5.

59. “It is perfectly clear that if universities contribute to the well-being of their societies well trained persons, knowledge and mastery of their physical and biological environment, useful services and good advice, they will acquire appreciative friends outside the university who will understand that a university must have a life of its own if it is to do these things well.” Shils, “The Implantation of Universities,” Universities Quarterly, Vol. 22, March 1968, p. 163; Leys, op.cit., pp. 12, ff.

60. “[A] degree of distance seems essential if a university is to retain the flexibility it needs not simply to serve already defined and agreed on developmental tasks but to contribute what it is in a unique position to supply, namely, the constant re-examination and redefinition of the nature of underdevelopment and the task of development.” Court, op.cit., p. 212.

61. Cleveland, op.cit., p. 7.

62. Op. cit., p. 18. Leys and Shaw stress “community service” functions as the main content of the “developmental” role.

63. “There is absolutely no question that the expansion of developmental responsibilities, if taken seriously, necessitates a marked increase in and retention of the number of expatriates, particularly in applied (developmentally-oriented) social science research institutes and centers.” See Court, op.cit., pp. 201-204 and James S. Coleman, “Some Thoughts on Applied Social Research and Training in African Universities,” The African Review, 2:2, 1972, pp. 289-307.

64. Sutton, op.cit., p. 403.

65. On Tanzania, see Court, op.cit., pp 206-217 and de Kiewet, op.cit., pp. 55-58. In the Tanzanian case Nyerere has argued that there is no ¡incompatibility between complete objectivity and commitment to the development needs of society. Julius K. Nyerere, “The University in a Developing Society,” Présence Africaine, No. 6, 1967, pp. 3-10; the results of the border multi-country study are contained in Kenneth W. Thompson and Barbara R. Fogel, Higher Education and Social Change: Promising Experiments in Developing Countries (New York: Praeger, 1976), 2 Vols.

66. Streeten, op.cit., p. 51.

67. Court, op.cit., p. 203.

68. Leys, op.cit., p. 14.

69. For a penetrating critique of how a particular analytical framework can reflect a particular perspective, and can affect both political analysis and political action, with particular reference to the system-functional approach, see Richard Sandbrook, “The ‘Crisis’ in Political Development Theory,” The Journal of Development Studies 12:2, January 1976, pp. 165-185.

70. John Saul has cautioned about the danger of scholars engaging in system tinkering for repressive regimes: “All too often technical advice, narrowly defined, is being made available to elites who are not prepared to make the structural transformations necessary to development; at best, therefore, [a university research institute] may reinforce and legitimize a mood conducive to mere tinkering with the system, at worst it may provide active assistance to classes concerned with buying time for the system (and their own stake in it) by efficient management and marginal re-adjustment.” Quoted in Court, op.cit., p. 206.

71. Streeten, op.cit., p. 8.

72. Gary Wasserman, “The Research of Politics, the Politics of Research,” East Africa Journal, November 1970, p. 12.

73. Streeten, op.cit., p. 7.

74. See, for example, Africa Research Group, African Studies in America: The Extended Family (Boston: Africa Research Group, 1968); Ronald H. Chilcote and Martin Legassick, “The African Challenge to American Scholarship in Africa,” A frica Today 18:1, January 1971, pp. 4-13; Robert Molteno, “The Role of Certain North American Academics in the Struggle Against the Liberation of Southern Africa,” (mimeo); Altbach, Philip G., “Education and Neocolonialism,” Teachers College Record 72:4 (May 1971), pp. 543–558;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Final Report of the Select [Church] Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (Report No. 94-755 of the U.S. Senate) (Washington: USGPO, 1976), pp. 179-191.

75. Pierre van den Berghe, “Research in Africa: Knowledge for What?” African Studies Review, pp. 333-334.

76. The early experience of the Institute for Development Studies in the University of Nairobi illuminated the dilemma of the applied, developmental, social science researcher as regards publication of research results. Considerable self-censorship was clearly expected; indeed on certain subjects prior approval of government was required before publication or other dissemination. This was understandably the source of considerable anguish and sharp debate as to the tolerable limites of self-censorship. However, the same constraints existed as regards the applied social science research units at the University of Dar es Salaam, which curiously did not seem to evoke among critics the same concern. This suggests that opprobrium for closeness to Caesar and self-censorship in his cause depends upon the character of the Caesar in question, and not necessarily upon the transcendant imperative of academic freedom.

77. The intimidatory power of fads and fashions in scholarship as well as the vogue of an ascending ideological perspective having the appearance of being the source of personal and professional legitimation is a common phenomenon in the pendulum swing between alternating emphases on particular variables, values, or approaches to comprehension of reality. But it is, of course, through the dialectic that we can get closer approximations of the truth. See Streeten, op.cit., p. 8.

78. Perkins, James A., “Reform of Higher Education: Mission Impossible?” ICED Occasional Paper No. 2, June 1971, p. 4.Google Scholar

79. Quoted in Julius Gould, “Reflections after the Storm,” Minerva 11:2, April 1973, p. 272.

80. Ibid., p. 271.

81. Quoted in Martin Trow, “Higher Education and Moral Development,” AAUP Bulletin 62:1, April 1976, p. 22. Court has observed that “the best way in which the university can contribute to the alleviation of inequality, one of the paramount goals of development, is to train students in the analytical capacity to describe and expose its different manifestations.” Op.cit., p. 216.

82. Ibid., p. 23.

83. The most comprehensive treatment of African ethnicity from a global comparative perspective is Crawford Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976). The universality of the explosion of political ethnicity is well argued in Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan, Ethnicity Theory and Experience (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975). For the debate on the objective or subjective bases of politicized ethnicity see Nelson Kasfir, The Shrinking Political Arena (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), especially pp. 47-90.

84. Van den Berghe, Power and Privilege ... op.cit., pp. 36-44.

85. Howard Elliott suggested the term “constrained maximization” and observed that an African government can decide what it wants from its educational system and if it prefers to sacrifice quality for equality that is part of its social welfare function; expatriate professors working for that system have no basis for moralizing about the educational strategy selected.

86. Ajayi, op.cit., p. 18.

87. Perkins, op.cit., p. 5.

88. Power and Privilege. .. op.cit., p. 13.

89. Ward, op.cit., p. 19.

90. AAUP Bulletin. Summer 1974, p. 270. Italics mine. The 1970 Interpretive Comments by the AAUP stated, as regards this clause, that “Most church-related institutions no longer need or desire the departure from the principle of academic freedom implied in the 1940 Statement, and we do not now endorse such a departure.” Ibid., p. 271.

91. Tandon, Yashpal, (ed.). Technical Assistance in East Africa (Uppsala: Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, 1973), p. 13. Google Scholar He attributed this argument to Reginald Green.

92. Streeten, op.cit., p. 22. “Tact and diplomacy are, of course, necessary if recommendations are to be adopted by governments. But this must not affect the content of basic research, partly because it offends against the principles of scholarship and partly because policies based on blinkered analysis are bound to fail ... some syncophantic or ‘diplomatic’ work is at bottom patronising and hence equally insensitive.” (p. 19).

93. “Africanists are, by virtue of their predominance in the modern intellectual tradition of Africa, guilty of perpetrating the predominance of Anglo-American (or Western) biases in Africa’s modern intellectual thought.” Mhone, Guy CZ, “The Case Against Africanists,” Issue 2:2, Summer 1972, p. 10.Google Scholar

94. Sandbrook notes “It is not a little ironic that social scientists, while denying that their own models of society have ideological implications, are prone to emphasize the ideological nature of opposing paradigms.” Op.cit., p. 168. In addition to Sandbrook’s excellent analysis of the hidden ideological element in presumably value-free paradigms, see Chilcote and Legassick, op.cit., pp. 9-10; Altback, op.cit., pp. 548-552; van den Berghe, “Power and Privilege ...” op.cit., pp. 9-12; Mazrui, Alt, “From Social Darwinism to Current Theories of Modernization,” World Politics 21:1, October 1968, pp. 69–83;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Carnoy, Martin, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: David McKay, 1974);Google Scholar and John Loxley, “Technical Assistance, High-Level Manpower Training and Ideology in Tanzania,” in Tandon, op.cit., pp. 65-82. At p. 79 Loxley argues: “Socialist economists make their ideological considerations explicit and attach great importance to them, but the ideology of orthodox western European or North American economists is none the less real for being unstated: it is implicit in their tools of analysis.”

95. Benoit Verhaegen, “Interdisciplinarité et science bourgeoise,” Revue de l’Institut de Sociologie, Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1975/1-2, pp. 198-202.

96. “[Western] alien concepts and models determine inappropriate policies and either divert attention from the real problems or become apologies for existing power structures. Excessive sophistication, esoteric irrelevance, ignorance and false beliefs conveyed by these doctrines are opportunistic and serve vested interests. . . . The paradigms of ‘Western’ social science serve as blinkers or escape mechansisms, preventing scholars and policy makers from seeing and acting upon the strategic fronts.” Streeten, op.cit., p. 10.

97. Van den Berghe, Power and Privilege ... op.cit., p. 10, cf. Donaldson, Peter J., “Foreign Intervention in Medical Education: A Case Study of the Rockefeller Foundation’s Involvement in a Thai Medical School,” International Journal of Health Sciences 6:2, 1976, pp. 251–270.Google Scholar

98. Op.cit., pp. 11 passim. Professor T.M. Yesufu also suggests that such bias is probably ineradicable: “The foreign academic, however objective he might be, is bound to be handicapped in his understanding of the social environment, and in his interpretation of the local cultures and traditions. . . .” Op.cit., p. 56.

99. Ibid., p. 21.

100. Van den Berghe, op. cit., p.10

101. “On the Teaching of Economics in Africa,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 7:4 (1969), p. 738.

102. Op.cit., p. 214.

103. Orthodox (i.e., scientific) socialists, like orthodox “liberal” scholars, can, of course, push for their own orthodoxy even in a university; however because they tend to be more explicit regarding their ideology their pressure for orthodoxy seems to command greater visibility. Thus, in proposing a new M.A. programme in Economics for the University of Dar es Salaam, one incumbent expatriate economist stressed that “It would be imperative that they [i.e., the expatriates] should not only be experienced and ‘highly qualified’ but also committed to socialism ...” and the Chief Academic Officer of the University was criticized for the fact that “the verbal commitment to recruit socialist teachers is not matched by any action to ensure the implementation of that commitment as far as expatriates are concerned.” Loxley, op.cit., pp. 78-80. Many radicals would argue that intellectual pluralism is itself an orthodoxy.

104. Ward, op.cit., p. 34.

105. See Tordoff, William and Mazrui, Ali A., “The Left and the Super-Left in Tanzania,” The Journal of Modern African Studies 10:3, October 1972, pp. 427–446.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

106. Yesufu, op.cit., p. 57. He added that “as much as possible a large proportion of the expatriates should come from other African universities.”

107. Court, op.cit., p. 200. According to his calculations in 1975, out of the total number of establishment positions Africans occupied 32% at the University of Nairobi, 25% at the University of Dar es Salaam, and 43% at Makerere University.

108. Kenneth Prewitt persuasively argues in a private communication