^{page 357 note 1} The nation's best geographical description is Barbour, K. M., The Republic of the Sudan—a Regional Geography, University of London Press, 1961Google Scholar.

^{page 358 note 1} ‘A common basis of Arabic race and language, and Islam, with their resulting unity of social and political ideas have fused the northern Sudan into à single whole. The District Commissioner who is transferred from Berber to Bara, from Kassala to Kordofan finds that he is dealing, in different local conditions, with the same kind of people, the same mental outlook’ (Nalder, L. F., ‘The Two Sudans: Some Aspects of the South’, article in de C. Hamilton, J. A., ed., The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan From Within, London: Faber & Faber Limited, 1935, pp. 94–95)Google Scholar. See also ed Din Fawzi, Saad, ‘Ethnic and Cultural Pluralism in the Sudan ’, article in Ethnic and Cultural Pluralism in Inter-tropical Communities, Report of the 30th Meeting held in Lisbon, April, 1957, of the International Institute of Differing Civilizations, Bruxelles, 1957, pp. 393–402Google Scholar; and McCreery, Ruth, ‘Moslems and Pagans of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan ’, Moslem World, vol. xxxvi, no. 3, July 1946, pp. 252–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 358 note 2} The tsetse fly also provided an effective barrier to the southward movement of savannah warriors and nomads. Cf. Boulnois, Jean and Hama, Boubou, L'Empire de Gao — Histoire, Coutumes et Magie des Sonrai, Paris : Librairie d'Amérique et d'Orient, 1954, p. 181Google Scholar. Commerce carried Islam through tsetse flies, however.

^{page 358 note 3} Cf. Barbour, K. M., Peasant Agriculture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Khartoum: University College, 1953, p. 17Google Scholar; Berry, W. J., ‘The Arabs of Kordofan: à Study of Adaptation ’, Scottish Geographical Magazine, vol. xliv, 1928, p. 279Google Scholar; Lampen, G. D., ‘The Baggara Tribes ’, in de C. Hamilton, J. A. (ed.), The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan From Within, London: Faber & Faber, 1935, p. 131Google Scholar.

^{page 359 note 1} The main riverain group which is the exception to this pattern is the Nubian. ‘At the same time there is à very remarkable absence of theft and à readiness to work unusual in the Sudan, both of which may be attributed to the absence of à slave class …’ (W. D. C. L. Purves, ‘Some Aspects of the Northern Province ’, article in Hamilton (ed.), op. cit., p. 171).

^{page 359 note 2} Organized tribal slave-hunts by Arab or Islamized nomads would often be rationalized as part of the Holy War being carried to the Pagan. Northern Nigeria Fulani, for example, made slave-hunting under this guise à standard dry-season practice.

^{page 360 note 1} From the wealth of literature on this subject see, for example, the recently published policy pronouncements of Usuman dan Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Sultanate (born c. 1754) in Bivar, A. D. H., ‘A Manifesto of the Fulani Jihad ’, Journal of African History, vol. ii, no. 2, 1961, pp. 235–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 239–41.

^{page 360 note 2} ‘… it is quite impossible for the Abyssinians themselves to abolish à system so deeply rooted in their social and economic structure; and one which is upheld by à powerful and barbaric church claiming guardianship of the Mosaic Law and regarding slavery as an institution decreed by Jehovah ’ (Neuman, E. W. Poison, ‘Slavery in Abyssinia ’, Contemporary Review, vol. cxlviii, December 1935, p. 42)Google Scholar.

^{page 361 note 1} Italian, French, and British reports to the Anti-Slavery Committee of the League of Nations detail slave incidence, sources, and social relationships.

^{page 361 note 2} For thorough discussion of equivalent cattle and camel nomad slavery across West African savannah areas, see Trimingham, J. Spencer, Islam in West Africa, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959Google Scholar.

^{page 361 note 3} One turn-of-the-century traveller measured the incidence of desolation by counting hyenas—see Crosby, Oscar T., ‘Notes on à Journey from Zeita to Khartoum’, Geographical Journal, vol. xviii, July–December 1901, pp. 46–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 361 note 4} From the Nuba Mountains alone it was estimated that 200,000 slaves had been captured in annual military expeditions by 1839. See March, G. F., ‘Kordofan Province (Agriculture) ’, in Tothill, J. D. (ed.), Agriculture in the Sudan, London: Oxford University Press, 1948, p. 828Google Scholar.

^{page 361 note 5} On southern slaving see especially Gray, Richard, A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839–1889, London: Oxford University Press, 1961Google Scholar; and Moore-head, Allan, The White Nile, New York: Harpers, 1961Google Scholar, esp. part iii. Certain northern Sudan areas such as Dar Fung have not yet recovered from Mahdiya brigandage. See, for example, E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ‘Ethnological Survey of the Sudan ’, article in Hamilton (ed.), op. cit., pp. 79–93, esp. pp. 92–93.

^{page 362 note 1} One of the positive strong points of northern Sudan administrator policy was their abstention from forced or unpaid labour. See Keun, Odette, ‘A Foreigner Looks at the British Sudan’, The Nineteenth Century, vol. cviii, no. 643, September 1930, pp. 292–309Google Scholar.

^{page 362 note 2} Jackson, H. C., Behind the Modern Sudan, London: Macmillan, 1953, pp. 93–94Google Scholar. Early general problems are also discussed in Stone, John, Sudan Economic Development, 1899–1913, Khartoum: Sudan Economic Institute, 1955Google Scholar.

^{page 362 note 3} Not all were in favour of this slow process. One ex-administrator, P. R. W. Diggle, claimed that cultivation would not cease, but ‘even if I am wrong I do not believe that cultivation in the Northern Sudan or anywhere else is worth all the misery and cruelty that slavery involves’. See his ‘Slavery in the Sudan ’, Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigine's Friend, ser. v, vol. xv, no. 2, July 1925, p. 84Google Scholar.

^{page 362 note 4} Here and right across the Sudan Zone. See, for example, Mather, D. B., ‘Migration in the Sudan ’, Geographical Essays on British Tropical Lands, Steel, R. W., and Fisher, C. A. (eds.), London: George Phillip & Son Ltd., 1956, pp. 115–43Google Scholar.

^{page 362 note 5} ‘The urgent nature of this (Public Works) demand, coupled with the impetus given to private enterprise by the ensuing land boom, set up competition and wages rose immediately to à rate that the native agriculturalist could not afford to pay.’ Memorandum from Lieutenant-General Sir R. Wingate to Sir Eldon Gorst on the Finances, Administration and Condition of the Sudan for 1908, Cairo, 1909, p. 70Google Scholar. Socio-economic problems are naturally the main topics of early administration reports, both from Sudan (Wingate, 1904–14) and Cairo (the Consul-General of Egypt, from 1898 through 1920, reported Egypt and Sudan together. From 1921 to 1951–2 the Sudan reported directly to the Foreign Office). These Egyptian reports will be referred to as Egypt and the Sudan's as Sudan.

^{page 363 note 1} In spite of early optimists such as L. Emerson Mather: ‘The natives—both Arabs and Sudanese—are not industrious, indeed they have never found the need to be so until British rule was firmly established, but there is no reason to doubt that they will advance with the times and realize that work means prosperity.’ (‘Five Weeks in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan ’, Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society, vol. xxviii, 1912, p. 20Google Scholar.)

^{page 363 note 2} Omdurman residents are quoted in 1909 as saying ‘Allah took away our slaves, but sent us the Fellata.’ (Wingate, 1909, p. 55.)

^{page 363 note 3} Appendix Tables 2 and 3 attempt to summarize conviction and certain other slavery statistics of Legal and Slavery Departments.

^{page 363 note 4} ‘Memorandum on Slavery in the Sudan ’, Enclosure 3 to Papers Relating to Slavery in the Sudan, London: H.M.S.O., Cmd. 2650 (Sudan no. 1, 1926); Sudan Government Confidential Circular, p. 13.

^{page 363 note 5} Sudan, 1935, p. 119.

^{page 364 note 1} This ‘40-day road ’ is mentioned in numerous documents. It ran from Kubbe, near El Fasher, Darfur, to Asyut, Egypt (half-way between Wadi Halfa and Cairo on the Nile). See the interesting map facing page 294 in Bagnold, R. A., ‘The Libyan Desert’, Journal of the Royal Africa Society, vol. xxxv, no. cxl, July 1936Google Scholar.

^{page 364 note 2} Egypt, 1901, p. 33.

^{page 364 note 3} Egypt, 1902, p. 89.

^{page 364 note 4} Ibid., p. 92. à ‘mek ’ is à chief. The officer probably meant small tribal or hill groups.

^{page 365 note 1} Egypt, 1902, p. 97.

^{page 365 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 365 note 3} Egypt, 1904, p. 133.

^{page 365 note 4} Wingate, 1905, p. 104.

^{page 365 note 5} Ibid., p. 111.

^{page 365 note 6} Egypt, 1906, p. 118.

^{page 365 note 7} Ibid., p. 131.

^{page 366 note 1} Egypt, 1906, p. 131.

^{page 366 note 2} Ibid., p. 143. On Tolodi Arab thievery and slave dealing see Wingate, 1906, p. 672 (Kordofan Province).

^{page 366 note 3} A fine three-century historical summary of this tribe's economics is Henderson, K. D. D., ‘A Note on the Migration of the Messiria Tribe into South West Kordofan ’, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xxii, part 1, 1939, pp. 49–77.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 4} Wingate, 1906, p. 677. For present-day Baggara economic and labour problems see, for example, Cunnison, Ian, ‘The Social Role of Cattle ’, Sudan Journal of Veterinary Science and Animal Husbandry, vol. i, no. 1, March 1960, pp. 8–25Google Scholar. Cattle-owning Arab tribes across the Sudan Zone have similar problems of adjustment to agriculture and wage labour.

^{page 366 note 5} Wingate, 1907, p. 317.

^{page 366 note 6} Egypt, 1907, p. 59.

^{page 366 note 7} Wingate, 1910, p. 335.

^{page 366 note 8} Wingate, 1912, vol. i, p. 175.

^{page 367 note 1} Wingate, 1913, p. 187.

^{page 367 note 2} Egypt, 1920, p. 134.

^{page 367 note 3} Ibid., p. 127.

^{page 367 note 4} Sudan, 1927, p. 111.

^{page 367 note 5} Sudan, 1931, p. 127.

^{page 367 note 6} Sudan, 1935, p. 119.

^{page 367 note 7} Communication, dated 15 April 1935, from the Government of the Sudan to the Secretary-General of the League of Nations, Document no. C.C.E.E. 60, para. 5. Reports to the League detailed the settlement of released Kordofan slaves into their own Provillages, their administration under their own sheikhs, and government food and other support. See Communications of 7 March 1936, Document no. C.C.E.E. 105, para. 7; of 5 December 1936, Document no. C.C.E.E. 157(1), paras. 3 and 4; of 15 February 1938, Document no. C.C.E.E. 196, para. 2. This last contained the comment that ‘there is … evidence of the increasing realization by nomad Arabs that friendliness with their darker brethren is beneficial, and that slave labour is not economic’. This is only twenty-five years ago.

^{page 367 note 8} See especially Wingate, 1907, p. 188 (Berber Province) for details.

^{page 368 note 1} C. B. Tracey and J. W. Hewison, ‘Northern Province (Agriculture)’, in J. D. Tothill (ed.), op. cit., p. 737.

^{page 368 note 2} The 1820's Turkish occupation of this region, and its suppression of intertribal wars, allowed certain groups such as the Jaalin to expand their slave-raiding.

^{page 368 note 3} Trimingham, J. Spencer, The Christian Church in Post-War Sudan, London: World Dominion Press, 1949, p. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 368 note 4} Egypt, 1899, p. 60 (Berber Province).

^{page 368 note 5} Wingate, 1904, p. 56.

^{page 368 note 6} Egypt, 1908, p. 70 (Berber Province).

^{page 368 note 7} Wingate, 1909, p. 625 (Berber Province).

^{page 368 note 8} Wingate, 1910, p. 244 (Halfa Province).

^{page 369 note 1} West, Louis C., ‘Dongola Province of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan’, Geographical Review, vol. v, January–June 1918, p. 30Google Scholar.

^{page 369 note 2} Sudan, 1932, p. 114 (Dongola Province).

^{page 369 note 3} Communication, dated 5 December 1936, op. cit., para. 11.

^{page 369 note 4} Literature on Ethiopia also describes this Sudan slavery relationship, not only in this specific area, but also among the camel nomadic tribes which are common to Ethiopia (including Eritrea) and Sudan. See in particular Margery Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, London: Faber & Faber, 1948, especially chaps. 12 and 20.

^{page 369 note 5} An 1899 traveller comments on Beni Shangul District that ‘… The district … was inhabited by black races…. Control was apparently in the hands of à few families of Sudan Arabs (Jaalin) who had established themselves there in the time of the old Egyptian Government. What I did not realize at the time was that these men … were nothing more than slave raiders’ (Gwynn, Charles, ‘The Frontiers of Abyssinia ’, Journal of the Royal Africa Society, vol. xxxvi, no. cxliii, April 1937, p. 153)Google Scholar.

^{page 369 note 6} Egypt, 1902, p. 89 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 1} Egypt, 1901, p. 71 (Sennar Province).

^{page 370 note 2} Egypt, 1904, p. 133 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 3} Egypt, 1903, p. 90 (Blue Nile Province)—for à brief history of the Slavery Department, see Sudan, 1922, p. 65.

^{page 370 note 4} Egypt, 1903, p. 91 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 5} Egypt, 1904, p. 133 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 6} Ibid., p. 134.

^{page 370 note 7} Egypt, 1905, p. 141 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 8} Egypt, 1906, p. 118 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 9} Egypt, 1907, p. 49 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 370 note 10} A shaduf is à hand-operated hanging bucket for lifting water. The counter-balancing weight is typically clay. à saqiya is the Persian water wheel, normally turned by animal power. Such primitive agricultural equipment demanded numerous workers.

^{page 371 note 1} See Wingate, 1905, p. 25 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 2} Wingate, 1906, p. 740 (White Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 3} Wingate, 1908, pp. 487–8 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 4} Wingate, 1912, p. 245 (Sennar Province); Perham, op. cit., pp. 326–7, gives interesting details on Sheikh Khogali El Hassan.

^{page 371 note 5} Sudan, 1928, p. 17 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 6} Sudan, 1928, p. 84 (Blue Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 7} Sudan, 1929, p. 133 (White Nile Province).

^{page 371 note 8} ‘Freedom-papers ’ were certificates making freedom official. The fact that any domestic or other slave could obtain such documentation at will undoubtedly reduced the number issued. There may also have been à reluctance to go officially on record that one had been à slave. On the other hand, à heavy issue might be attributed, as it was in Moslem Nigera, to the fact that à certificate was more important than à bare declaration in à ‘white man's law’ (Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery, Report of the Second [1935] Session, League of Nations Document no. C159. M. 113. 1935. VI, p. 28).

^{page 371 note 9} Sudan, 1933, p. 109 (Fung Province). Authorities in Kenya's Northern Frontier and Turkana Provinces in 1933 had to issue rifles to selected tribesmen in defence against Ethiopian raiders (1935 League of Nations Slavery Committee Report, op. cit., p. 13).

^{page 372 note 1} Sudan, 1929, p. 133 (White Nile Province).

^{page 372 note 2} Papers Concerning Raids from Ethiopian Territory into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, London: H.M.S.O., Foreign Office, Cmd. 4153 (Ethiopia no. 1), 1932Google Scholar.

^{page 372 note 3} Communication (to the League of Nations) dated 16 April 1934, op. cit., para. 3.

^{page 372 note 4} ‘There are, moreover, the well-authenticated stories of slaves escaping from the Province of Wallega in Ethiopia into the Sudan, pursued by their owners, as late as 1955.’ (Greenidge, C. W. W., Slavery, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958, p. 202Google Scholar.) I found no Sudan documentation of this, though rumour indicated the continuation of ‘refugee ’ flow.

^{page 372 note 5} Egypt, 1898, p. 41.

^{page 372 note 6} Egypt, 1900, p. 78.

^{page 372 note 7} Ibid.

^{page 372 note 8} Ibid., p. 79.

^{page 372 note 9} Egypt, 1901, p. 74.

^{page 373 note 1} Egypt, 1904, p. 133.

^{page 373 note 2} Sudan, 1931, p. 118.

^{page 373 note 3} Stevenson-Hamilton, J., ‘The Dinka Country East of the Bahr-el-Gebel’, Geographical Journal, vol. lvi, no. 5, November 1920, p. 390Google Scholar. In fact it is not unrealistic to state that anti-slavery sentiment was à major factor in bringing Britain (through Egyptian administration) into the Sudan. For the total picture the reader is again referred to Allan Moorehead, op. cit.

^{page 373 note 4} Egypt, 1899, p. 53.

^{page 373 note 5} Egypt, 1904, p. 133.

^{page 373 note 6} Egypt, 1907, pp. 64–65 (Khartoum Province).

^{page 373 note 7} ‘To take à minor example, we tried to get à simple form of metal-work (using tin) into the schools. We trained teachers and got tools supplied to the schools, and we stuck at it, I think, for five years. But it never caught on. There was too much public prejudice against tinsmiths and even though we introduced new designs we could never over-come it.’ (Griffiths, V. L., ‘An Experiment in Education in the Sudan’, Oversea Quarterly, vol. i, no. 2, June 1958, p. 51Google Scholar—reprint of à lecture published in Rural Life, March 1958 (produced by Department of Education in Tropical Areas, University of London, Institute of Education).)

^{page 374 note 1} Wingate, 1908, p. 556 (Khartoum Province).

^{page 374 note 2} Egypt, 1914–19, p. 123.

^{page 375 note 1} Palmer, R. H., Report on à Journey from Maidugari, Nigeria to Jeddah in Arabia, London: Colonial Office, African (West) no. 1072, August 1919, p. 15Google Scholar.

^{page 375 note 2} ‘… it is no exaggeration to say that most of the cattle-owning tribes regard cultivating as unpleasant, degrading work, which within living memory was performed by slaves bought with the wealth derived from their cattle.’ (S. C. J. Bennett, E. R. John, and J. W. Hewison, ‘Animal Husbandry’, article in J. D. Tothill (ed.), op. cit., p. 651.)

^{page 375 note 3} These traditional relationships still apply right across the Sudan Zone wherever Baqqara (Baggara) dwell. ‘Most inhabit fixed villages during the rainy season where cultivation is done by Negro serfs and clients’ (J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, op. cit., p. 17).

^{page 375 note 4} Administration and Agricultural Department District and Province monthly and annual reports document this worker pattern thoroughly. See also Colvin, R. C., Agricultural Survey of the Nuba Mountains, Khartoum: Ministry of Agriculture, 1939, esp. p. 11Google Scholar.

^{page 375 note 5} Here again official and non-official literature historically support these patterns. Population density in this riparian strip was recently estimated at 428 persons per square mile: ‘… although this does not equal the 495 persons to the square mile of over populated Egypt, there is some foundation for the opinion that the Northern Province is uneconomic and should be regarded only as à reservoir to populate less densely settled parts of the Sudan.’ (Aglen, E. F., ‘The Economic Limitations to Future Development’, article inFood and Society in the Sudan—Proceedings of the 1953 Conference of the Philosophical Society the Sudan,Khartoum, 1955, p. 272Google Scholar.) But Northerners resist moving to otherwise available rainland farming central clay plains regions because à heavy percentage of the population in those areas is Westerner or Sudanic—‘Blacks ’. See, for example, Barbour, K. M., Khor El Atshan, à Geographical Account of à Scheme of Agricultural Development in the Central Sudan, Khartoum: Gordon Memorial College, 1951, p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 376 note 1} The writer's Ph.D dissertation was entitled The Methodology of Regionalizing and Distributing African Income: the Sudan. The nation was divided into nine economic regions and Census and National Income Accounts data (based on administrative partitions—Districts and Provinces) reoriented to describe these more homogeneous policy-making units. Socio-economic group (and per capita) output and expenditure profiles, and regional labour force incomes, were computed. It is hoped that these more useful economic statistics will be published in the not too distant future.

^{page 376 note 2} Cf. Campbell, W. K., Report on Cooperative Possibililies in the Sudan, Khartoum: Sudan Government, 1946Google Scholar; Wilmington, M. W., ‘Aspects of Money-lending in Northern Sudan’, Middle East Journal, vol. ix, no. 2, spring 1955, pp. 159–46.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 3} A concise history is Paul, A., A History of the Beja Tribes of the Sudan, Cambridge University Press, 1954.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 4} Detailed slave and serf material may be found in Nadel, S. F., ‘Notes on Beni Amer Society ’. Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xxvi, part 1, 1945, pp. 51–94Google Scholar; Paul, A., ‘Notes on the Beni Amer ’, Sudan Notts and Records, vol. xxi, part i, 1950, pp. 223–45.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 5} For effects of economic change on Beja peoples see, for example, D. Newbold, ‘The Beja Tribes of the Red Sea Hinterland ’, article in J. A. de C. Hamilton (ed.), The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan From Within, op. cit., pp. 140–64; C. G., and Seligman, B. Z., ‘Note on the History and Present Condition of the Beni Amer (Southern Beja) ’, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xiii, part 1, 1930, pp. 83–97Google Scholar. For Port Sudan Beja socio-economic patterns see B. A. Lewis, Report of à Social Survey of Deim El Arab and the Beja Stevedores of Port Sudan, Khartoum: Ministry of the Interior, Lands Department, 1954. Lewis (p. 19) felt that poverty drove many to port employment bevol. cause 89 per cent, had no animals back home. The fact of poverty I agree with, but suggest that they had no traditional wealth because they were in slave or serf capacities. Herd-owners rarely enter wage employment—they do not need to.

^{page 376 note 6} One feddan = 1·038 acres = 0·420 hectares.

^{page 377 note 1} ‘The Gezira is the social laboratory of the Sudan: it has been said that “what fails in the Gezira must be regarded as à general failure; what succeeds there may be à widespread success ”.’ (Styler, W. E., ‘Adult Education in the Sudan’, African Affairs, vol. lvi, no. 225, October 1957, p. 291Google Scholar.) If this is the case, the ensuing comments will indicate clear grounds for economic pessimism.

^{page 377 note 2} Data from dissertation, op. cit.; tenancy, labour force, and other Gezira statistics which follow are from standard Gezira Board or Department of Statistics publications unless otherwise noted.

^{page 377 note 3} Beer, C. W., ‘The Social and Administrative Effects of Large-scale Planned Agricultural Development’, Journal of African Administration, vol. v, no. 3, July 1953, p. 114Google Scholar. ‘Il existe en effet dans la vallée du Nil une tradition solide de contemption du travail manuel en général et du travail du sol en particulier, qui de tout temps à été réservé à des esclaves. Aussi les attributaires du Gezira Scheme … nʼont-ils pas cru devoir exercer eux-mêmes le métier d'agriculteur.’ (Hauser, A., ‘Colons africains au Soudan’, Le Monde non chrétien [nouvelle série], no. 37, janvier–mars 1956, p. 71Google Scholar.)

^{page 378 note 1} The strong nomadic background shows itself in many ways, including the constant attempt to keep animals in entirely unsuitable places. While fodder is grown, fencing is practically absent. ‘The patriarchal tradition of flocks and herds as the foundation of social position is still à living reality, and men invest their cotton profits in them regardless of the economics of the situation.’ (Culwick, G. M., Diet in the Gezira Irrigated Area, Sudan, Khartoum: Sudan Government, Survey Department Publication no. 304, 1951, para. 65.Google Scholar)

^{page 378 note 2} Mrs. Culwick's carefully compiled sample data support gross output volume–number of workers data:

(a) Ten feddans of cotton (part of tenancy fallow, part in food and other crops, in any given year).

(b) 1 kantar of cotton in Gezira is 311·01 pounds of unginned cotton. For other commodities in other places the kantar has different pound-weight equivalents.

(Culwick, G. M., A Study of the Human Factor in the Gezira Schema, Barakat(Sudan), 1958, para. 347Google Scholar. Type-script used with her kind permission.)

^{page 378 note 3} The Sudan Government increasingly attempts to barter its cotton, not sell it on the open market—the rising costs, and attendant lower profit margins per ton, in fact explain the main forces which insist on producing more tons.

^{page 379 note 1} Of the considerable Westerner literature see in particular Memorandum on the Immigration and Distribution of West Africans in the Sudan, Khartoum: Sudan Government, n.d. (probably 1947); Hassoun, Isam Ahmed, ‘“Westerner ” Migration and Settlement in the Gezira ’, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xxxiii, 1952, pp. 64–110Google Scholar; and D. B. Mather, ‘Migration in the Sudan ’, op. cit. It is important to recognize that the Westerner, though Moslem, is heavily Sudanic and Negroid, and from predominantly agricultural cultures. Farming is not dishonourable. Fifteen per cent, of Sudan's population is Westerner, and 40–50 per cent, of its wage-labour force.

^{page 380 note 1} Peak Westerner holdings were in 1946 just over 3,000 tenancies (12·5 per cent.). Westerners were given tenancies in the early days of the scheme as not enough Northerners came forward, particularly during the 1930's depression. It is not coincidental that the demands to bar Westerners came in à prosperous period, when tenant income was at its height. In view of the Westerner's superior productivity, disallowing his tenancy holding cannot be considered as an economic (as against à political) decision.

^{page 380 note 2} Culwick, G. M., ‘Social Change in the Gezira Scheme’, Civilisations, vol. v, no. 2, 1955, p. 177Google Scholar.

^{page 380 note 3} G. M. Culwick, A Study of the Human Factor…, op. cit., para. 108. See also Stanton, E. A., ‘The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan ’, Journal of the Africa Society, vol. xi, no. 43, April 1912, p. 263Google Scholar, for à similar quotation.

^{page 380 note 4} Van Der Kolff, G. H., The Social Aspects of the Gezira Project in the Sudan, Khartoum, 1958, p. 18Google Scholar mimeographed).

^{page 381 note 1} See in particular G. M. Culwick, Diet in the Gezira…, op. cit., and her ‘Social Factors Affecting Diet’, article in Food and Society in the Sudan …, op. cit., pp. 173–212; Spelman, Norah G., ‘Women's Work in the Gezira, Sudan ’, Oversea Education, vol. xxvi, no. 2, July 1954, pp. 66–69Google Scholar; Hyslop, J. R., ‘Egypt and the Sudan’, Contemporary Review, no. 1030, October 1951, pp. 205–10Google Scholar. On the 1950/1 bumper crop and soaring Gezira income, Hyslop states (p. 208): ‘… This sudden access to wealth has created serious danger of inflation, for the Sudanese does not save money in banks, invest it, buy insurance or houses on mortgage. He spends it on rich foods, drinks, gold bangles for his women-folk.’

^{page 381 note 2} ‘In general … they [nomad picking workers] do not like hard work; they are improvident, and their necessaries few. Perhaps the most important problem of the Irrigation Scheme as à whole is not an engineering or an agricultural, but à psychological one.’ (Lambert, A. R., ‘The Sudan Gezira, the Land and the People’, Geographical Magazine, vol. ix, no. 1, 1939, pp. 142–3.Google Scholar)

^{page 381 note 3} Reliable picking-labour and tenant statistics by number, sex, tribe, size of tenancy, and so on, are now available. See in particular Survey of Labour Conditions in the Gezira, Khartoum: Sudan Government, Department of Statistics, Occasional Statistical Paper no. 1, September 1959Google Scholar.

^{page 381 note 4} Clearly shown in the writer's dissertation.

^{page 382 note 1} Cf. Kubinski, Z. M., ‘Indirect and Direct Taxation in an Export Economy: à Case Study of the Republic of the Sudan’, Public Finance (Holland), vol. xiv, nos. 3–4, 1959, pp. 316–43.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 2} Northern Sudanese politicians and senior civil servants have à habit of talking their way around this issue. It takes many forms, such as pride in development funds spent in southern Sudan, and so on. à favourite claim is that in Gezira ‘the evils of feudalism have been liquidated ’ (Tewfik, Syed Hammed, ‘The Sudan Today ’, Pakistan Horizon, vol. viii, no. 1, March 1955, p. 297)Google Scholar. Non-Sudanese do the same—‘Imagine à country in Africa … without either à foreign or indigenous Kulak class … ’ (Silberman, L., ‘State Socialism in the Sudan ’, Libertas (Johannesburg), vol. v, no. 11, October 1945, pp. 42–43Google Scholar.) The concept of ‘Kulak ’, Gezira style, is discussed in Versluys, J. D. M., ‘The Gezira Scheme in the Sudan and the Russian Kolkhoz: à Comparison of two Experiments ’, Economic Development and Culture Change, vols. i and ii, 1954: no. 1, pp. 32–59Google Scholar; no. 2, pp. 120–35; no. 3, pp. 216–35. C. W. Beer raises the concept of tenants as Kulaks in à consumption sense: ‘… Do they form à rich “Kulak ” class who by their standard of living excite the envy of the less fortunate ? ’ (‘Social Development in the Gezira Scheme ’, African Affairs, vol. liv, no. 214, January 1955, p. 50Google Scholar). Northern Sudanese attitudes towards Westerners are perhaps the most indicative of this economics versus politics split personality, discussed in the next foot-note.

^{page 383 note 1} Advisory Council for the Northern Sudan, Proceedings of the Seventh Session (held at the Palace, Khartoum, from the 20th to the 24th of May, 1947), Khartoum: Sudan Government, n.d. (1948?), para. 7298. Mr. Macintosh, Labour Officer, presented à report on agricultural labour shortages, and the essential role of Westerners in achieved agricultural levels to that time. The entire discussion by these Northern Sudanese leaders indicated clearly that, politically, the Westerner was considered à trouble-maker, disease-carrier, &c, and should be discouraged from Sudan residence (pilgrimage passage only). But they agreed that to the economy he was indispensable. It is interesting to notice that one of the Sudan's most able leaders, Mekki Abbas, one-time head of the Gezira Board, was à most outspoken anti-Westerner. Even Sudanese social researchers studying Westerners, such as Hassoun (op. cit.), tend to put the shoe on the wrong foot: ‘… Native tenants have been persuaded by cheap labour offering itself to sacrifice à considerable portion of their profits to satisfy their disposition for slackness and vanity by sitting back and employing casual labourers to do the work on their tenancies …’ (p. 89—italics mine). There is no doubt that rainland agricultural production suffered when slaves were allowed to leave. ‘The other factor which made this type of grain production (terūs) more significant formerly than now is labour. Slaves were widely employed on the rainlands by wealthy landowners and the total area under cultivation was probably larger than it is today’ (Randell, John R., ‘El Gedid—a Blue Nile Gezira Village’, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xxxix, 1958, p. 31)Google Scholar. Terūs (Terās) are hand-made banks for catching rainwater.

^{page 383 note 2} Cf. R. G. Laing, Mechanization in Agriculture in the Rainlands of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1948–1951, Khartoum: Sudan Government, Survey Department Publication no. 750, 1953 (esp. pp. 7, 60); Report of the Sorghum Mission to Certain British African Territories, London: H.M.S.O., Colonial Office, Colonial Advisory Council of Agriculture, Animal Health, and Forestry, Publication no. 2, 1951 (esp. pp. 20–21)Google Scholar; and Working Party's Report on the Mechanical Crop Production Scheme, Khartoum: Sudan Government, Survey Department Publication no. 922, 1954 (esp. p. 16). The reader is reminded of an earlier comment that these rainland areas could be settled by northern riverain surplus population, thus providing more marketed grain, and seasonal labour for Gezira, Gash, and mechanized schemes. But they will not move to be neighbours to groups they historically consider inferior.

^{page 384 note 1} The writer is (slowly) attempting to document equivalent studies for the whole of Africa. Research undertaken over the last several years clearly indicates the universal nature of this slavery concept, and its pertinence to African economic development.

^{page 384 note 2} The 1944 Sudanese leader discussions regarding Gezira tenants indicated that they thought that the historical lethargy due to the slave-labour legacy could be remedied by à revision in the educational system (Advisory Council for the Northern Sudan, Proceedings of the Second Session (held at the Palace, Khartoum, from the 5th to the 10th of December, 1944), Khartoum: Sudan Government, n.d. (1945 ?), paras. 2214–17). No details were given.

^{page 385 note 1} ‘Slaves generally speaking do not have à very bad time and do not object to being taken into à town family, where they live in more comfortable surroundings than they would have in their native appearland …’ (Jennings-Bramley, W. E., ‘Tales of the Wadai Slave Trade in the Nineties (told by Yunes Bedris of the Majabra to the Author)’, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. xxiii, part 1, 1940, p. 183)Google Scholar. ‘One finds the ex-slave rearing his master's children and marrying his own to them without occasioning more than à passing comment, and often from their appearland ance one would be hard put to it to say which was of slave blood and which of free’ (G. D. Lampen, ‘The Baggara Tribes ’, op. cit., p. 131).

^{page 387 note 1} ‘… but we must make sure that self-determination for the north does not mean exploitation of the south. When one hears even an educated Northerner let slip, in an unguarded moment, the phrase “balad el abid”—the country of the slaves—one realizes that the Arab predatory instinct is not yet dead.’ (Gillian, Angus, ‘The Sudan: Past, Present, and Future’, African Affairs, vol. xliii, no. 172, July 1944, p. 124)Google Scholar.