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The Changing Position of Swahili in East Africa1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 August 2012

Extract

The initial spread of Swahili from the coastal areas of Kenya and Tanganyika during the last century must, in large measure, be attributed to the Swahili traders, who, with their often unsavoury reputations and their caravans, took the language as far as the Congo. Where these traders settled in any numbers, as at Tabora, Mwanza, Ujiji, Usumbura, Lake Nyasa, and, to a smaller extent, at Mumias, small Islamic islands of coastal-Swahili-speakers have persisted: some flourishing like Usumbura, others, like Mumias, declining. In general, however, the language became more emasculated the farther it extended from the coast, so that in North Uganda and parts of the Eastern Congo it is essentially a highly simplified means of communication for individuals of widely differing groups; pruned of all refinements, its link with the coast is a tenuous one.

Résumé

LE CHANGEMENT DANS LA POPULARITÉ DU SWAHILI DANS L'AFRIQUE ORIENTALE

La diffusion de la langue swahili dans les territoires de l'Afrique Orientale au cours du dixneuvième siècle, était due à la présence des marchands swahili qui voyageaient vers le Kenya, le Tanganyika, l'Ouganda et, également, vers le Congo Belge. Certains de ces marchands ont formé des communautés établies, et parmi celles-ci la langue a subsisté dans sa forme côtière. Mais généralement, la langue a été modifiée et simplifiée au fur et à mesure de sa diffusion vers l'intérieur. Les administrateurs allemands, et ensuite les britanniques, ont encouragé le swahili comme lingua franca et un moyen d'instruction, et il a été largement employé comme tel. Il y avait, pourtant, une certaine opposition de la part des Baganda et d'autres tribus ayant des sentiments fortement nationalistes, tandis que certaines missions chrétiennes se sont opposées à l'usage d'une langue employée par les musulmans. Par conséquent, la popularité du swahili a diminué, d'abord dans l'Ouganda, et ensuite dans le Kenya; dans le Tanganyika et le Zanzibar sa position est restée sans changement. Les principales raisons de son impopularité sont: son insuffisance comme moyen d'exprimer des idées modernes; le désir universel de la part des Africains d'apprendre l'anglais, surtout dans le but d'avancement social, économique et politique; les préventions de diverses langue vernaculaires, plus particulièrement parmi les tribus où un fort sentiment national existe. D'ailleurs, ainsi que l'auteur le fait remarquer, le swahili est vraiment utile en tant que lingua franca, surtout dans les villes et dans les régions où aucun vernaculaire n'est dominant. En effet, il a été proposé que le swahili pourrait être employé comme la langue nationale de Tanganyika. Dans le Tanga et à Makerere on s'efforce à éliminer des déformations et à favoriser l'étude et la propagation d'une forme standardisée de la langue. L'auteur est d'avis qu'il serait possible de faire davantage dans ce sens, et que la poésie classique swahili devrait, également, être rendue plus facilement accessible. Par ces moyens, il serait possible de tirer la langue swahili du mépris dans Iequel elle est tombée.

Type
Research Article
Information
Africa , Volume 26 , Issue 4 , October 1956 , pp. 343 - 353
Copyright
Copyright © International African Institute 1956

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References

page 343 note 2 The Secretary of the Elgon Diocese (C.M.S.) had written in the twenties that Swahili was not to be encouraged because ‘the customs and manners of the people are bad’.

page 343 note 3 ‘Problems in the use of African languages and dialects in Education’, J. Berry. A working-paper delivered at a Meeting of Experts on the use in Education of African languages in relation to English, where English is the accepted second language. Jos, Nigeria, November 1952.

page 344 note 1 Quoted in Edwards, A. G., Landmarks in the History of the Welsh Church (1912), pp. 157–60.Google Scholar

page 344 note 2 It would probably be more accurate to say, the language of the slaves they had freed, and their championship of this form of the language did in some quarters lead to resentment and to the myth that Swahili is a ‘slave’ language.

page 347 note 1 Except for the resentment around Mombasa that the Zanzibar dialect had been chosen for Standard Swahili instead of that of Mombasa.

page 347 note 2 Delightfully parodied by J. W. in an article ‘Ki-Settla’ in the Kenya Weekly News of 23 December 1955.

page 348 note 1 Perhaps it would be more correct to say that there were no such centres after the Germans had put down the numerous rebellions which occurred during the last two decades of the last century: notably those of Bushiri (1886–9), the Hehe (1890–4), the Ngoni (during the 1890's, especially 1897–8), and of course that of the Maji-Maji (1905–6), apart from many smaller risings.

page 349 note 1 See also Harries, Lyndon, ‘Swahili in the Belgian Congo’, Tanganyika Notes, 39, June 1955.Google Scholar

page 351 note 1 Consider, for example, such collections as Diwani ya Muyaka bin Haji Al-Ghassaniy (ed. W. Hichens, Bantu Treasury Series No. 4), University of the Witwatersrand, 1940; Anthologie aus der Suaheli Litteratur, C. G. Büttner, 1894; Dichtungen in der Lamu-Mundart des Suaheli, E. Dammann, Hamburg, 1940, and several other Tenzi published separately. A bibliography of some recent German contributions is given in Dammann, E., ‘German Contributions to Swahili studies in recent decades’, Journal of the East African Swahili Committee, No. 26, June 1956.Google Scholar

page 353 note 1 For example, Utenzi ma Vita vya Wadachi Kutamalaki Mrima (see Notes and News section of the present number, p. 407).