Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Table of Contents
- Note on Transliteration
- Abbreviations
- Acknowledgments
- Introduction: US-China Relations at a Historic Crossroad
- Part One Background and Lost Voices
- 1 From Admirer to Critic: Li Dazhao’s Changing Attitudes toward the United States
- 2 Legacy of the Exclusion Act and Chinese Americans’ Experience
- 3 Disillusioned Diplomacy: US Policy towards Wang Jingwei’s Reorganized National Government, 1938–1945
- Part Two Did America Lose China?
- 4 Lost Opportunity or Mission Impossible: A Historiographical Essay on the Marshall Mission to China, December 1945–January 1947
- 5 Negotiating from Strength: US-China Diplomatic Challenges at the Korean War Armistice Conference, 1951–1953
- 6 Mao Zedong and the Taiwan Strait Crises
- Part Three Rapprochement and Opportunities
- 7 Media and US-China Reconciliation
- 8 Sino-American Relations in the Wake of Tiananmen, 1989–1991
- 9 Jiang Zemin and the United States: Hiding Hatred and Biding Time for Revenge
- Part Four Did China Lose America?
- 10 China’s Belt-Road Strategy: Xinjiang’s Role in a System without America
- 11 The East and South China Seas in Sino-US Relations
- Conclusion: The Coming Cold War II?
- Index
11 - The East and South China Seas in Sino-US Relations
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 March 2023
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Table of Contents
- Note on Transliteration
- Abbreviations
- Acknowledgments
- Introduction: US-China Relations at a Historic Crossroad
- Part One Background and Lost Voices
- 1 From Admirer to Critic: Li Dazhao’s Changing Attitudes toward the United States
- 2 Legacy of the Exclusion Act and Chinese Americans’ Experience
- 3 Disillusioned Diplomacy: US Policy towards Wang Jingwei’s Reorganized National Government, 1938–1945
- Part Two Did America Lose China?
- 4 Lost Opportunity or Mission Impossible: A Historiographical Essay on the Marshall Mission to China, December 1945–January 1947
- 5 Negotiating from Strength: US-China Diplomatic Challenges at the Korean War Armistice Conference, 1951–1953
- 6 Mao Zedong and the Taiwan Strait Crises
- Part Three Rapprochement and Opportunities
- 7 Media and US-China Reconciliation
- 8 Sino-American Relations in the Wake of Tiananmen, 1989–1991
- 9 Jiang Zemin and the United States: Hiding Hatred and Biding Time for Revenge
- Part Four Did China Lose America?
- 10 China’s Belt-Road Strategy: Xinjiang’s Role in a System without America
- 11 The East and South China Seas in Sino-US Relations
- Conclusion: The Coming Cold War II?
- Index
Summary
Abstract
Since Xi launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the East and South China Seas have become the most contentious flash points in Asia, an important source of insecurity in the Western Pacific, and a possible region for engagement between American and Chinese armed forces. To avoid humiliation or disastrous outcomes due to technological gaps between the PLA and the US’s superior military capabilities, Beijing continues its pro-active defense strategy to defend against any foreign threat outside mainland China. One of Beijing’s strategies is weaponizing and controlling deep-water islands for military, commercial, and political purposes. China’s forward maritime policy of artificial island construction and the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) became aggressive and continues to challenge the various powers in the region.
Keywords: ADIZ, Disputed islands, East China Sea, Maritime strategy, PLAN, South China Sea
After Xi Jinping took office in 2012, his government sought an enhanced role on the geo-political stage while assuring the international community that the PRC would not pursue conventional policies of military and political hegemony. However, while China repositioned itself by creating a new ‘center of gravity’ in the Asia-Pacific region, its new demands faced new challenges and implications for its national security, foreign threats, and strategic environment. The disputed islands in the East and South China Seas are possible sources of international discontent and present increasingly sensitive issues over sovereignty. In April 2013, China released its annual Defense White Paper, titled ‘The Diversified Employment of China’s Armed Forces’. It clearly states that a strong national defense and powerful armed forces are strategically commensurate with China’s modernization, peaceful development, international standing, and security concerns. In short, China’s armed forces must meet the new requirement for its national development and security strategy (Information Office 2013).
In August 2013, Xi Jinping, chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), visited the aircraft carrier Liaoning, commenting that China should build an even stronger naval force (Huang and Ng 2013, 1–3). The PLA Navy (PLAN) expanded from a ‘coastal fleet’ in the 1980s to a ‘twenty-first century maritime power’ (Cole 2010, x).
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Sino-American RelationsA New Cold War, pp. 319 - 344Publisher: Amsterdam University PressPrint publication year: 2022