Chapter 1 considers Streit’s early years. It begins with his path from an ambitious high school and university student in Montana to Europe: as soldier in World War I, as a low-level member of the US delegation to the Paris peace conference in 1919, as a Rhodes scholar, and finally as a budding journalist. It then examines his emergence as a well-regarded foreign correspondent during the 1920s, a period often presented as the profession’s golden age. Although Streit lacked the glamor of better-known celebrity colleagues, his experiences offer another perspective on the work of interwar foreign correspondents. The final section focuses on Streit’s tenure as the New York Times’ correspondent in Geneva for much of the 1930s covering the League of Nations. This extended posting provides an intriguing vantage point for reconsidering the League’s place in US foreign relations at the time.

By 10.00 p.m. on October 23, 1789, the three killers’ machetes had finished their brutal work. Even before the sun had risen the next morning, information about the Dongo massacre had begun to spread quickly throughout Mexico City. On street corners, in taverns, and over breakfast in private residences, no one could resist talking about this shocking event. We cannot accurately recreate the path of the oral gossip after two centuries. However, a paper trail started to memorialize the events soon after Aldama, Quintero, and Blanco put down their weapons. Mexico’s most important nineteenth-century writers and intellects began to publish accounts of the murders and the investigation in the 1830s. These printed texts eventually led to a small boom in fictional reinterpretations of the crime and its aftermath in the 1860s. For the new nation, the murder and its rapid resolution symbolized the extremes of Spanish rule. Mexicans pondered how to deal with a continuing perception of excessive criminality in their society, an issue that independence from Spain had not resolved.

Through his first four decades, Giovanni Amendola strode energetically down the Italian road to liberalism. From his origins in an uncelebrated part of Campania, from a family clinging to the lowest rungs of the middle class, he moved determinedly up and up. En route, there were numerous staging posts: moderate socialism, religion of great variety (but never Catholicism), marriage to a ‘new woman’ from the Romanov empire, pure philosophy, political philosophy, academic life, political journalism, war service with promotion in his country’s officer corps, and then, in November 1919, election to the Chamber of Deputies for one of the seats in the College of Salerno. That first direct step towards political power was followed speedily by appointment to what was the outer cabinet, but with the crucial post-war task of helping to manage Italy’s finances. Within the framework of Italian liberalism, as set in place by the Risorgimento, other young men also emerged into political prominence. But few ranged quite was widely as young Giovanni Amendola.

Guillaume Apollinaire is without doubt the most prolific French poet of the Great War. In addition to his major poetry collection, Calligrammes (1918), he wrote and published plays, stories, journalism, and criticism during the conflict. His writing is nothing if not wide ranging. He considered poetry a spiritual activity and an escape from the traditional classification of genre. He also believed there was no boundary between art and life – the two are inextricably linked – and, further, that art and life transform one another. This porous nature, not without its ambivalences and paradoxes, constitutes a major key to the interpretation of his work. The diversity and originality of his oeuvre, the trajectory of the author and the importance of his legacy help to explain how and why he became a poet of war in France, a country that ignored the tradition of 'war poets' that had developed in Great Britain.

Publication of the Economic Consequences made Keynes an internationally famous figure. Its analysis was embraced by the liberal left in Britain, scorned by the nationalist right in France, more ambiguously received in the United States. But his fame was now undeniable – and immediately recognised by the Russian ballerina Lydia Lopokova with whom Keynes now began an affair that was to lead to their marriage. In particular this chapter uses Lydia’s letters as a lens through which we can see the impact of Keynes’s crucial venture into journalism. For he was now commissioned by the Manchester Guardian, Britain’s most eminent liberal newspaper, in a double role. Thus he covered the international Genoa conference for the paper in 1922, giving him insight on Lloyd George’s new role as a ‘revisionist’ intent on conciliating Europe. And Keynes also edited a series of special supplements for the paper that sought to propagate a more wide-ranging analysis of the problems facing reconstruction in Europe. The fact that these were now written in a more accessible form, with Lydia’s encouragement, was thus a crucial step for Keynes in propagating his ideas for a wider readership.

This new collection enables students and general readers to appreciate Coleridge’s renewed relevance 250 years after his birth. An indispensable guide to his writing for twenty-first-century readers, it contains new perspectives that reframe his work in relation to slavery, race, war, post-traumatic stress disorder and ecological crisis. Through detailed engagement with Coleridge’s pioneering poetry, the reader is invited to explore fundamental questions on themes ranging from nature and trauma to gender and sexuality. Essays by leading Coleridge scholars analyse and render accessible his extraordinarily innovative thinking about dreams, psychoanalysis, genius and symbolism. Coleridge is often a direct and gripping writer, yet he is also elusive and diverse. This Companion’s great achievement is to offer a one-volume entry point into his incomparably rich and varied world.

This chapter explains the purpose of the volume: to provide English-speaking readers with access to the richest and most concentrated venue for Black voices in Latin American history. It offers a brief overview of the evolution of the Black press in the context of racial formation and national politics in Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, and Cuba. It explores the factors that led to the formation of a Black press in these locations, but not elsewhere in Latin America, situating the Black press as one very particular formation of Black intellectual and textual production in a broader spectrum. The writers and editors who produced the Black press are briefly introduced as is the “anatomy” of these publications – typical content, formats, and design elements. The key themes and organization of the book are introduced, as are some questions of terminology.

Chapter 3 explores Mexican opposition to the aftosa campaign, drawing on hundreds of complaints, local studies, and an original database of over 450 incidents of civil disobedience, riots, and rebellions. Rather than portraying resistance as rooted in the Mexican peasantry or rural tradition, this chapter emphasizes the geographical breadth, cross-class character, and the self-consciously modern public discourse of many opponents, and the vigorous but localized focus of most action.

What people know and how they think about drug use, consumption practices, and addiction is considerably influenced by the way the topic is talked about and framed in the media. Problems associated with the stigma of substance use disorders (SUDs) point to the need to identify factors that contribute to stigmatization and the urgency to outline courses of action to combat the stigma of addiction and other SUDs. The chapter first lays out the role the media take regarding the stigmatization of people with SUDs and refers to theoretical approaches in communication science. Findings on the coverage of people with SUDs in the media and mechanisms that lead to stigmatizing portrayals are delineated. In a second step, media guidelines as a possible means to strengthen the destigmatizing role of the media are described and discussed. Against this background, the media’s role in reporting for substance use stigma is discussed.

This chapter examines the relation between language and conflict resolution, by focusing on the beginning of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process in 1993 as it was represented by the New York Times. It analyzes the front-page articles dedicated to this dialogue and discusses the results in the context of the diplomatic negotiations and the political and social discourses of peace available at the time. The chapter also shows how the diplomatic discourse concealed opposite views of the peace process, and it maps the transfer of dominant discourses of peace from the political and social levels to the media and diplomatic ones. Finally, it discusses the implications of such dynamics for peace achievement.

The defamatory posthumous stories about Raúl explained his celebrity as accidental, an extension of Afro-Argentines’ supposed servility, imitativeness, and minstrel-like buffoonery. He was, in their view, nothing but a “broken puppet” of the city’s elite, who kept him as their personal buffoon. “Celebrity” uncovers a completely different story: one in which Raúl made himself into a charismatic Black icon of the city’s popular culture and bohemian nightlife – a Black legend. This feat of self-making – his gamble that being boldly and unapologetically Black would allow his star to rise – is Raúl’s astonishing and unsung achievement. Shortly after his release from the reformatory, Raúl began to live a life that made celebrity possible. He did so largely by tapping into countercultural currents in the city’s rich popular culture: a flickering fascination with Blackness, and a partial re-claiming of Argentina’s maligned Black roots as an emblem of nativist pride or bohemian outcast glamour. Using contemporary texts and images, the chapter reconstructs Raúl’s scintillating persona as "el murciélago" (the bat) – a stylish and mysterious “creature of the night” who played a starring role in many of the city’s after-hour hotspots, especially in the bohemian world of the tango, Argentina’s emerging national dance. Indeed, by tracing Raúl’s presence in early tango dances to which he brought the candombe of his ancestors and neighbors, I am able to tell a new history of the impact of Afro-Argentine dance and music on Argentina’s national rhythm, to show that it did not disappear in the late nineteenth century, as is widely believed. The chapter pays special attention to images (photographs for which Raúl posed, cover art of tangos named for him, and others), as well as to semi-fictional texts read against the grain, in order to paint a portrait of Raúl’s successful efforts at self-fashioning as a Black dandy and Black celebrity.

This chapter surveys Ellison’s early (pre-Invisible Man) writings, which fall into four categories: sketches for the Federal Writers Project; journalistic reviews and chapters, in venues ranging from the New Masses to Negro Quarterly; short fiction, mostly unpublished in Ellison’s lifetime; and short fiction and novelistic fragments that remain unpublished to this day.

Studs Terkel was a pivotal figure in the popularization of oral history as a literary genre and he is a key point of reference in today’s cultural radio and podcasting worlds. He was also one of the central synthesizers and champions of Chicago literature, drawing deep inspiration from earlier writers and advocating for subsequent generations. This chapter explores how Terkel crafted a variety of inventive “literary lives”: 1) Urban Literary Mythmaker, 2) Eclectic Disc Jockey, 3) Coach for Chicago’s Literary Scene, 4) Co-founder of a Peoples’ Oral History, 5) Soapbox Poet, 6) Global Literary Ambassador, 7) Sidewalk Professor, 8) Memory Palace Archivist, and 9) Humanist Trickster. Key biographic events in Terkel’s life and his links with other key Chicago writers are explored.

At a time when political observers worry – justifiably – about the health of the US’ national political institutions, threats to local democratic governance cannot be ignored. The local news media – by providing accurate information to citizens about what is happening in city halls, county governments, school boards, and other local political institutions throughout the country – constitute a vital link in the democratic process. Political representation and government effectiveness thus depend on reinvigorating the local news media and the citizen engagement that goes along with it. It can be done, but without a collective effort by citizens, journalists, and groups committed to strengthening local journalism, the long-term health of American democracy may be in peril.

This chapters turn our attention to how reduced access to local politics coverage has played out. We first investigate the extent to which the local news crisis has affected large versus small daily papers across the country. We then examine which parts of local government were the most likely to be ignored by local newspapers as their reporting ranks thinned. These analyses are critical because they shed light on the kinds of communities that lost the most coverage and the parts of local government most likely to go without scrutiny.